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Facing the 



Paulus Manutius 





Department of Special Collections 


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The Contract 

Facing the 
Responsibility of 
Paulus Manutius 



Department of Special Collections 

University Research Library 

University of California 

Los Angeles 


Copyright © March 1995 

by the Regents of the University of CaUfomia 

ISSN 1041-1143 

This publication is produced with support from 
The Bemadine J. L. M Zelenka Endowment 


The Problem 1 

New Evidence. The Ahmanson-Murphy Document 6 

The Forces behind the Contract 17 

The Editorial Strategy of the Counter-Reformation 35 

Failure of Funds: Failure of Nerve? 52 

Conclusion 71 

Appendix; Transcription of the Contract 78 


Aldo Aldo Manuzio di Paolo Junior 

Aldus Aldus Manutius Senior 

CEBR Contemporaries of Erasmus: a Biographical Register, 3 vols.. 

University of Toronto Press 1985-87 
Eubel K. Eubel & G. Van Gulik, Hierarchia Catholica Medii et 

Recentioris Aevi, vol. 3, Regensburg 1923 
Nolhac P. de Nolhac, "Lettres inedites de Paul Manuce" in Ecole 

Frangaise deRome, Melanges dArchaelogie etd'Histoire, 

vol. 3, 1883 
Pastor L. von Pastor, History of the Popes from the Close of the 

Middle Ages, new English edition, 40 vols., Liechtenstein 

PMEL Pauli Manutii Epistolarum Libri decern, duobus nuper odditis, 

Venice 1580 
PMLV Tre Libri di Lettere Volgari di M. Paolo Manuzio, Venice 1 556 
PIEM E. Pastorello, L Epistolario Manuziano-inventario crono- 

logico-analitico 1483-1597, Florence 1957 
PIM E. Pastorello, ed., Inedita Manutiana, Florence 1960 
RAIA A.-A. Renouard, Annales de I 'Imprimerie des Aides, 3rd edn., 

Paris 1834 
RLMI A.-A. Renouard, ed., Lettere Manutiane inedite, copiate sugli 

autograft nella Biblioteca Ambrosiana, Paris 1834 
UCLA A Catalogue of the Ahmanson-Murphy Aldine Collection at 

UCLA, Los Angeles 1989-1994 


The "scudo d'oro" was a gold crown first issued by Pope Clement 
VII in 1532, and is described by A. Berman, Papal Coins, New 
York 1991, p. 27, as "of very consistent weight and purity". Its 
content of 3.36 gms of gold made it equivalent to the Venetian 
ducat and the Florentine florin. 


"I SAW that you would be capable not just of preserving, but of 
increasing the fame of your father", wrote Lazaro Bonamico to 
Paulus Manutius in 1531, two years before the young man had 
printed a word. As if in response, Paulus spent much energy during 
the next few years trying to defend his exclusive right to use "the 
types of which his father had been the inventor and designer", and 
often echoed Lazaro 's phrase about his "father's fame". His output 
of classical first editions was never quite as prolific as Aldus' had 
been at the tum of the centuries - it could not have been, for there 
was no longer such a crowd of authors awaiting attention. But 
Paulus was rounding off sequences that his father had begun: 
Aristotle and his commentators in the folio editions of Themistius, 
Eustratius, and Philoponus; the Latin poets with the octavo of 
Grattius and Nemesianus; the Greek fathers with the lost works 
of Gregory Nazianzenus and Gregory of Nyssa. The heir of the 
Manutii was striving to fill the role of humanist publisher for 
which his father's admirers had cast hun before he was out of his 

He strove for nearly thirty years, ending his work in Venice 
as printer to Federigo Badoer's Academia Venetiana, or "Acade- 

1 . Lazari Bonamici Carmina et Epistolae, una cum eius Vita a Jo. Baptista 
Verci conscripta, Venice 1770, Ep. 5, pp. 87-88 = PM no. 265, 29 October 
1531, Lazaro Bonamico to Paulus, from Padua. A. Ceruti, "Lettere inedite di 
Paolo Manuzio", /ircWv/o Veneto 23, 1882 no. 6, p. 338 = PIMno. 312, 25 July 
1539, Paulus from Verona to Girolamo Leoni. For comment on the legal aspects, 
and documents, see E. Pastorello, "Di Aldo Pio Manuzio: testimonianze e 
document!". La Biblioftlia 67, 1965, pp. 163-220; for the editions concerned see 
UCLA fasc. ma, nos. 234, 240, 241, 252, 253. 


mia della Fama" during the early 1560s. Badoer's plans were 
much more honourable than his methods of business, and he never 
achieved anything like the range of publications he had advertised 
in 1558. But even the scattered volumes of Aristotelian commen- 
tary or mathematics that did find their way into print, and the very 
word "Academia", bring the air of a more generous past to the 
tmie of Pope Paul IV 's terrible Index. This makes it all the 
stranger to see Paulus quit Venice and head for Rome in 1561 to 
become official printer to the papacy. One publisher's career seems 
to encompass two distinct phases and two opposing trends in the 
history of printing - the last years of liberal humanism and the 
growth of organised censorship. 

"Happy his biographer!", sighed Pierre de Nolhac as he 
surveyed this record, and the expanse of material ready to 
document it. But was the prospect quite as attractive as Nolhac 
thought? True, twelve books of Latin letters and four of Italian 
had been published in Paulus' lifetime: more had appeared after 
his death, and as Nolhac was offering a selection of new material 
from the Vatican Library, he was well aware that still more could 
yet be found. Since his time, the painstaking compilations of Ester 
Pastorello have made most of the unpublished material accessible. 

2. P. Rose, "The Accademia Venetiana: Science and Culture in Renaissance 
Venice", Studi Veneziani 11, 1969, pp. 191-242; L. Bolzoni, "L'Accademia 
Veneziana: splendore e decadenza di una Utopia enciclopedica", in Universita, 
Accademie e Societd scientifica in Italia e in Germania dal Cinquecento al 
Settecento, a cura di L. Boehm e E. Raimondi, Bologna 1981, pp. 117-67. On 
the Pauline index see P. Grendler, The Roman Inquisition and the Venetian Press, 
Princeton 1977, esp. pp. 115-27. 


and provided a secure framework of chronology.^ Aldus has found 
other biographers, and numerous admirers: but Paulus' biogra- 
pher, less happy or less confident than Nolhac expected, has failed 
to come forward. 

The reasons for this neglect are perhaps clearer today than 
they would have been a century ago. Paulus' claims to be 
"supporting the weight of his father's reputation" have not really 
stood up to investigation. Between 1533 and 1536 something 
rather like the Aldine circle took shape again, and at least a dozen 
important Greek editions came off the presses of Manutius, 
Zanetti, and Da Sabio. But Paulus did little to keep the impetus 
going. The legal documents published by Pastorello seem to show 
him attacking the understanding with the Torresani which his 
father had preserved so carefully, and in 1537 he left for Rome. 
Thereafter, even the crudest figures reveal the contrast between 
Aldus' humanism and that of his son. For Aldus, the emphasis 
was on variety. His Greek first editions can be numbered almost 
anywhere between thirty and ninety and his literary octavos. 

3. Nolhac p. 268. Pauli Manutii Epistolarum Libri decern, duobus nuper 
odditis, Venice 1 571 : Tre Libri di Lettere Volgari di M. Paolo h4anuzio, Venice 
1556; Pauli Manutii Epistolae quae in editis operibus desideranUir, Miscellanea 
di vane operette 6, Venice 1742: PIEA4 and PIM. 

4. Pauli Manutii Epistolae Selectae ed. M. Fickelscherer, Leipzig: Teubner 
1892, p. 2. ". . . magnam hoc tempore propter memoriam clarissimi patris 
expectationem sustineam", letter of 6 September 1533. On Zanetti little is 
available but an untitled note by R. Cessi in Nuovo Archivio Veneto N.S. Anno 
XVI, vol. 31, 1916, pp. 494-98. 

5. The decision depends largely on where the line is drawn between classical 
and Byzantine: compare the figures implied by B. Botfield, Praefationes et 
Epistolae Editionibus Principibus Auctorum Veterum Praepositae, Cam- 


whatever their language, revolutionised reading habits. Paulus 
focused on a single Latin author, and one who some of his 
contemporaries felt was overworked. Of the 575 editions publish- 
ed by the Aldine press or financed by its members during his active 
career, one hundred were works of Cicero, translations of Cicero, 
or commentaries on Cicero. He founded his reputation on the six 
editions of Cicero's letters, speeches and philosophical writings 
published during 1540 and 1541, and reissued so fi-equently that 
nearly a third of his total output of printed pages carried Ciceronian 
or related writings.^ Paulus never claimed, like the "Workaholi- 
cus" of Erasmus' Ciceronianus , to dine on a handful of sugared 
coriander seeds and raisins before retiring to his sound-proof study 
with a brain completely purged of non-Ciceronian phrases: but 
when he writes in 1535 of "turning the most exquisite phrases of 
Cicero over and over in my mind, then clothing them in the most 
suitable language", he sounds very like the kind of person Erasmus 
had in mind.^ His first academic confidant was Lazaro Bonamico, 

bridge 1861, with those suggested in my World of Aldus Manutius, Oxford 
1979, pp. 257-8. For the debate on the Aldine octavo see my Book Prices 
in Renaissance Venice, UCLA Special Collections Occasional Papers 5, 

6. This total covers all Renouard's entries between 1533 and 1570, 
including doubtful cases: e.g. Rime e Prose di Giovanni delta Casa {RAIA 
pp. 175-76) and the Bolognese editions of Antonius Manutius (pp. 168, 170, 
172) which were certainly printed by him on his ovm account (Paulus to 
Francesco Robortello, PMEL pp. 302-3 = PIMno. 998). Of the 1 18,184 folios 
used for these editions 37,882 were devoted to Ciceronian writings or com- 

7. A. Ceruti, "Lettere Inedite", cited in n. 1, above, p. 333 = PIMno. 389. 
On reaction to the dialogue in 1 528 see Collected Works of Erasmus in English 
vol. 28, University of Toronto Press 1986, pp. 324-36. 


the professor of classics at Padua who was quoted as dismissing 
modem hterature wholesale as "a tissue of all the barbarisms in 
the world". Attitudes which were criticised as modish affectations 
in their own time have not gained in popularity since. ^ 

The contrast between this committed classicism and the 
sequence of catechisms or conciliar decrees which poured from 
the Aldine press after its move to Rome seems so complete that 
bibliographers have revealed some embarrassment in tracing them 
to the same person. Antoine-Augustin Renouard, on whose re- 
search all subsequent Aldine studies have been based, had steeped 
hunself in the secular values of the Encyclopedistes during the 
1780s and harangued the National Assembly on its cultural 
mission during the Revolution. To him, an alliance between 
humanism and priestcraft was inconceivable. Though he had found 
a draft of the terms submitted by Paulus to the papacy, which he 
published along with the relevant correspondence of the papal 
legate Girolamo Seripando in the third edition of his Annates, 
Renouard could only conclude that the move compelled Paulus to 
"break off his studies", and that it was forced upon him by his 
difficult situation in Venice. Writing a century later and in the 
light of archival documents unknown to Renouard, Francesco 
Barberi saw the move from an almost exactly opposite angle, as 
a humanist's forlorn dream of cherishing some shoots of liberal 
thought in the frozen wasteland of Counter-Reformation Rome, as 
an inevitable and not very heroic failure. It made little difference. 
However the colours were arranged, the overall pattern of Paulus' 
career remained one of violent contrasts and extremes; it lacked 

8. Opere di K4. Sperone Speroni degli Alvarotti, Venice: Domenico Occhi, 
5 vols., 1740, vol. l,pp. 166-201. 


either the continuity or the commitment to attract a biographer. 
Only recently has the appearance of new evidence revealed that 
the two aspects of Paulus' career were intimately connected, and 
that only the most tragic accidents or confusions divided them. 


In the summer of 1 990 the Ahmanson-Murphy collection at UCLA 
acquired the document which forces Paulus on our attention again. 
At face-value the new evidence is unspectacular enough: it is a 
single, oxide-burned folio carrying in a notary's hand the fiill text 
of the contract under which Paulus went to Rome in 1561. The 
number "159" on the recto side suggests that the paper came from 
a portfolio of similar notarial acts. Its more immediate provenance 
is quite uncertain: all that can be said is that it formed part of an 
assortment of isolated curial documents auctioned at Sotheby's on 
26 April 1990.^° 

A full translation is needed to set the contract against its proper 

Our Lord His Holiness wishes for the honour and service of the 
Holy Apostolic See and for the benefit and utility of all to bring 
a printing-press to Rome. From it, well edited and corrected books 
both of the Holy Scriptures and of every other kind may be sent 

9. Entry in Grand Dictionaire Universel du XDC Siecle, Paris 1 876: RAIA 
pp. 442-3; Francesco Barberi, Paolo Manuzio e la stampa del Popolo Romano 
(1561-1570), con documenti inedite, Rome 1942. 

10. UCLA Special Collections Ms. 170/658. 


out, which is especially desirable in these times when printed 
texts have been corrupted in many places by the heretics. His 
Holiness has determined to give the management of this operation 
to Master Paulus Manutius, at present resident in Venice: where- 
fore, by express order of His Holiness and in His Name, the Holy 
Apostolic Camera on the one side, and the aforesaid Master Paulus, 
and on his behalf the Very Reverend Monsignor Antonius, bishop 
of Caserta, acting as his procurator, on the other, agree to the 
following terms :- 

First, that the said Camera hires the aforesaid Master Paulus 
for the direction and management of the said press for a period 
of twelve years beginning from the first day of May next 
following, at a fee of 500 gold scudi per year to be paid to him 
in advance at intervals of six months, the payments being 
understood to begin from the next first of May. In settlement of 
this sum the Camera is obliged to give him a sound note of hand, 
readily exchangeable: further, and as part of the same settlement, 
it will see that His Holiness assigns to Master Paulus within a 
month of his arrival in Rome a place in one of the holy orders of 
knights, to be made out in the name of Master Paulus' son. 

Further, that the said Camera must, at the good pleasure of 
Master Paulus and of his said procurator Monsignor of Caserta, pay 
the sum of 300 scudi of the same denomination which shall be 
used to cover the expenses of Master Paulus' conveying himself 
and his household from Venice to Rome. 

Further, that the said Camera will add to its expenditure, for 
the said period of twelve years, the rent of a house suitable for 
the press and sufficient to accommodate Master Paulus' house- 
hold and whatever assistants he thinks it necessary to employ for 
the nmning of the press. 


Further, that the said Master Paulus will be responsible not 
only for the general supervision of matters which concern the 
press, but also for the sale of llie books which he prints there. 

Further, that the said Camera must provide the said Master 
Paulus first with the funds to be spent on the overall equipment 
of the press, and on the number of presses which Master Paulus 
thinks necessary, and which His Holiness approves: thereafter it 
must help with the daily needs of the enterprise, such as paper 
and other necessary material, the payment of press-operators and 
correctors, besides the fee of Master Paulus himself, the hire of 
other assistants, and any furtlier incidentals; all of which must be 
laid down and controlled by tlie good sense and e?q)erience of the 
said Master Paulus. 

Further, that if war or plague or some other overwhelming 
disaster - which God forbid - should force the press to stop 
production, none tlie less the said fee must continue to be paid to 
Master Paulus until the said term of twelve years is completed, 
excluding any cancellation or suspension of any kind whatever, 
unless such interruption has occurred through the fault of Master 

On his side, the said Master Paulus must start for Rome for 
this said purpose as soon as the said 300 scudi for the expenses 
of that journey have reached him, and he must serve for the full 
term of the twelve years accordmg to the terms of these articles. 

Further, that the said Master Paulus must manage the said 
enterprise conscientiously, and with the honesty and application 
that are required. 

Further, the contracting parties agree that the said Camera must 
keep at the disposal of the said Master Paulus a cashier through 
whose hands the funds for the overall needs of the said press may 


be disbursed, and into whose hands all income from the daily sale 
of books must come. He shall keep careful accounts of all. And, 
to ensure that the said enterprise can proceed without fear of any 
of the interruptions that can occur through the lack of ready cash, 
it is desirable that a bank or a suitable individual should be made 
responsible for paying to the said cashier, without question or 
delay, whatever funds are required from time to time for the 
account of the said enterprise by the direction of the said Master 

Further, that the said Camera and the aforesaid Master Paulus 
must close the accounts every four months: the said Camera is 
first to be reimbursed from the sums reaMsed by the sale of books 
for all expenditure which it shall have incurred on the said 
enterprise, apart from the stipend of 500 ducats per year and the 
rent on the house; thereafter, one half of the remaining profit shall 
accrue to the said Camera and the other half to the aforesaid 
Master Paulus. 

Further, the said Camera promises that His Holiness will 
confirm the present contract, with all the necessary clauses, by 
his personal act, within the next fifteen days. 

It is normally assumed that Paulus was smumoned to Rome chiefly 
to print the decrees of the Coimcil of Trent and the revised 
liturgical texts which its deliberations produced. The contract in 
fact says nothing about the Council, whose recall was still no more 
than an article of policy, and it makes only the vaguest allusion 
to books "of the Holy Scriptures and of every other kind". Antonio 
Bemardi or della Mirandola, bishop of Caserta, must have drafted 
the twelve-year agreement shortly before its inception on 1 May 


1561, and his may be the hand in which the contract is written. 
During those twelve years Paulus was to receive his salary of 500 
ducats per annum in two instalments, and 300 ducats in cash 
immediately to meet the expenses of moving from Venice. A letter 
to his brother Manuzio, dated May 17, expresses Paulus' delight 
with the terms, and the care with which even the details had been 
tailored to his needs. ^ The sinecure knighthood answered all his 
paternal fears about young Aldo, whom at this age (14) he saw as 
lacking either the virility to marry or the energy to continue the 
business. Since Aldo did both, the pope's anxiety to satisfy Paulus 


on every count is more striking still. We know from a letter of 
8 September 1561, that the Manutius household was installed by 
then in the promised house, and that it, too, was on the most 
magnificent scale: the palazzo d'Aragonia, a splendid villa with 
two gardens and three fountains, it had once been the home of the 

1 ^ 

humanist cardinal Egidio da Viterbo. 

A sweeping reference to "cura generale" gave Paulus full 
executive control of the enterprise, including decisions on the 
number of presses, the supply of paper, the hiring and firing of 
editors, and the sale of books. All consequent expenses would 
be met by the Camera Apostolica. His 500 ducats were to be 
paid even if war or plague stopped the press operating for a 
time. This vital clause had formed part of Paulus' original 
petition, and reflected a shrewd awareness of family and 
business history: between 1509 and 1512 the war with the 

ll.i^ZAi/pp. 54-57no. XXV=P/£Mno. 1010. 
12. RLMp. 49 no. XXrV= PIEM no. 859. 
\3. RLMI p. 61 =PIEM no. 1023. 


League of Cambrai had kept his father's press out of produc- 
tion, and in 1478 a combination of war and plague had halved 
the number of printers operating in Venice. Paulus was to be 
freed from the major hazards which had threatened his predeces- 
sors, and which he knew would continue to threaten his 

He was to be spared not only the major hazards, but the 
minor irritations, of business. The Camera Apostolica agreed 
to choose a special cashier, who would deal with day to day 
expenses of the press, handle arrangments with bankers, "with- 
out argument or delay", and consolidate accounts every four 
months. Here again, as with the twelve-year contract, the 500 
ducats fee, and the sinecure knighthood, Paulus' requests were 
accepted to the letter. The accounts of the "depositarius" Mar- 
siglio Cafano were discovered towards the end of the last century, 
and prove beyond doubt that large payments for basic equipment 
began at the end of July 1561, just after Paulus' arrival in 

To understand its full significance we must approach the 
contract between the Manutius press and the Holy See on a number 
of different levels. It is - and clearly was - interesting enough as 

14. RAIA p. 524. Lowry, Aldus Manutius, pp. 128-29, 160. V. Scholderer, 
"Printing in Venice to the end of 1481", in Fifty Essays in Fifteenth- and 
Sixteenth-Century Bibliography, ed. D. E. Rhodes, Amsterdam 1960, esp. pp. 

15. G.-B. Beltrani, "La tipografia romana diretta da Paolo Manuzio", 
Rivista Europea, Anno Vin vol. 3, 1877, pp. 973-1001: A. Lodolini, "La 
stamperia Vaticana e i suoi primi libri", Accademie e Biblioteche d 'Italia VII, 
1933-34, pp. 154-61. 


a commercial proposition and nothing more. Such evidence as we 
have suggests that the financial structure of fifteenth- and six- 
teenth-century publishing houses followed two theoretically dis- 
tinct patterns which in reality often overlapped, as each had certain 
advantages. Some printers formed what were companies in the 
full sense, agreements between equal partners to share the invest- 
ment, the risks, and the profits of an enterprise for a defined period 
that could be extended or shortened at will. In 1480 the Venetian 
companies of Nicholas Jenson and John of Cologne merged to 
form a syndicate whose capital base must have been nearly 10,000 
ducats and which was intended to operate for five years. In the 
event, it dissolved after less than eighteen months of intense 
activity. A generation later the "great companies" of Lyon drew 
together a slowly widening circle of investors - first Aymot de la 
Porte and Loys Martin, then Luxembourg de Gabiano, Hugues de 
la Porte, Antoine Vincent, and Jacomo Giunti - to lay the 
foundations of a financial oligarchy that would control the 
production of legal texts. The syndicate which they had formed 
in 1520 was planned to last for six years, but their agreement was 
repeatedly prolonged: and when it was eventually dissolved on 
30 December 1541, the leading partners Gabiano, de la Porte 
and Giunti all controlled investments valued at 15,135 livres 

16. Lowry, Nicholas Jenson and the Rise of Venetian Publishing in 
Renaissance Europe, Oxford 1991, pp. 174-77. 

17. Jeanne-Marie Bureau, "Recherches sur les Grandes Compagnies Lyon- 
nais au XVI^ siecle", in Nouvelles Etudes Lyonnaises, ed. R. Chartier, Geneva 
1969, pp. 4-63. 


These were international corporations, operating like and 
often including the more prominent merchants in the cities where 
they were based. At the other end of the scale was the dependent 
craftsman, working on commission from one or a series of 
paymasters. The most striking case is perhaps that of Guillaume 
le Roy of Lyon, whose press was set up actually in the house of 
Barthelemy Buyer. In Venice during the mid- 1470s Jacques le 
Rouge published a considerable list of humanistic and legal texts, 
most of which probably came to him through Jenson's academic 
and social contacts. 

The great entrepreneurs or "marchands-libraires" seemed to 
many of their contemporaries to make an easy profit by manipu- 
lating their dependants and directing investment as they chose. 
But besides the greater risks of "war and plague", or the 
responsibilities of carefiil book-keeping, they also had to reckon 
with tensions among themselves. There were strains between 
Aldus and Andrea Torresani in the 1500s over the production of 
Greek classics, and even more serious strains between Paulus and 
his Torresani uncles in the 1530s when he, as the youngest and 


smallest shareholder, tried to establish control over the company. 

18. The vital article of Ch. Perrat, "Barthelemy Buyer et les debuts de 
rimprimerie a Lyon", Humanisme et Renaissance 2, 1935, pp. 103-30, 234-75, 
349-387, is conveniently summarised by L. Febvre and H.-J. Martin, The Coming 
of the Book, English edition, London 1984, pp. 117-20. On Le Rouge see my 
Nicholas Jenson, pp. 123-7. 

19. Letter of Paulus from Verona to Benedetto Rhamberti, 25 July 1539, 
PIEM no. 313, in A. Ceruti, "Lettere inedite", ^rc/i/v/o Veneto 23, 1882, no. 7, 
pp. 339-40. On signs of strain between Aldus and Andrea Torresani in the 1500s 
see my Aldus Manutius, pp. 1 52-3. 


The dependent craftsman might lack freedom of editorial action, 
but while he had commissions he had at least a short-term security. 
The contract under which Leonardus Wild printed 930 Vulgate 
Bibles for Nicolaus of Frankfurt in 1478 laid down an exact 
schedule under which the 250 ducats due for the commission were 
to be paid. Even the most successful or best capitalised publishers 
such as Jenson and Aldus found it worthwhile to accept commis- 
sions from outside the financial framework of their companies. 
Two of the most celebrated early Italian editions, Landino's 
translation of Pliny's Natural History, and the Hypnerotomachia 


Polifili, were underwritten in this way. 

On the face of things, the requests made by Paulus Manutius and 
accepted by the Holy See combined the freedom and flexibility of a 
large editorial enterprise with the security of a dependent craftsman. 
The twelve-year contract signed was by any standard very long: the 
great Lyon syndicates were planned to last for only six years, though 
in the event they lasted much longer than that. Paulus would have 
no worries about investment or cash-flow, all of which would be 
handled by the Camera Apostolica through its clerk Cafano. At the 
same time the "general care" of the production of "books of all 
kind" would give him virtual freedom of editorial choice. We know 
that Aldus negotiated intermittently throughout the latter part of his 

20. Contract of Wild and Nicolaus of Frankfurt in R. Fulin, "Documenti 
per servire alia storia della tipografia veneziana," Archivio Veneto 23, 1882, pp. 
101-2: on the Italian Pliny see E. de Roover, "Per la storia dell'arte della stampa 
in Italia: come furono stampati a Venezia tre de'primi libri in volgare". La 
Bibliofilia 55, 1953, pp. 107-15; and on Polifilo see M. Billanovich, "Francesco 
Colonna, il Polifilo e la famiglia Lelli", Italia medioevale e umanistica 1 9, 1 976, 
pp. 419-28. 


life with a number of princes - the Emperor Maximilian, the duke 
of Ferrara, the pope - for the endowment of an institution that 
would both teach and publish the ancient languages. Such had 
been his dream of an academy. Paulus believed that he had at last 
reahzed that dream. On 15 August he wrote to his brother 
Manuzio: "My father sought an agreement of this kind for years, 
and never obtained one: now I have one that I have been begged to 
accept". Far from seeming a withdrawal from his preferred studies 
or a retreat from his father's ideals, the move to Rome meant realizing 
dreams that already reached back two generations. 

Lacking the original version of the contract, Barberi and Re- 
nouard found it easy to assume that Paulus had made "extravagant 
requests" which the papacy could not have honoured and perhaps 
never took seriously. Its reappearance sharpens our curiosity 
about the precise cirumstances in which the agreement was signed, 
the men who backed it, and the part it played in the broader 
strategy of Catholic revival. The contract as we have it is undated: 
but it bears at its conclusion the signature of "Johannes Card. 
Moronus", and in a letter of 3 May 1561, Ludovico Beccadelli 
tells Paulus he was present "when the Most Reverend Morone 
signed the contract". A letter of 12 April from Paulus' agent 
Antonio Bemardi assures the printer that his instructions to 
conclude the contract are being carried out and that Morone has 
approved, but adds that the final draft has not yet been completed. 
The tenth line of the contract itself states that its terms were to 
be in force from 1 May, so the final negotiations must have taken 

2 1 . RLMIp. 60 = PIEMno. 1 02 1 . On earlier academic dreams see my Aldus 
Manutius, esp. pp. 200-2. 

22. Barberi, Paolo Mznuzio, pp. 30-31. 


place in the last days of April. But the scheme had been in hand 
for some time. On March 20 Bemardi had advised Paulus that 
"the matter was concluded", attributing success to the influence 
of Cardinals Seripando and Borromeo: Seripando himself had 
informed Paulus of serious discussion in consistory as early as 10 
February, and written again on 1 1 March to report that a definite 
decision had been taken in his favour. For the full context of 
that decision we can turn to Seripando' s diary. There he recorded 
that the discussion of the press had taken place on 10 March in a 
kind of "crisis consistory", which had also appointed him and the 
Polish Cardinal Stanislaus Hosius legates to the recalled Council 
of Trent, and approved the creation of twelve new bishoprics in 
the Netherlands. Urgently requested by Philip II, this attempt to 
restructure and strengthen ecclesiastical authority would play an 
important part in provoking the nationalist revolts against Spanish 
rule after 1567. Reports of the fast-deteriorating religious and 
political situation in France were already under discussion. Two 
of the decisions taken at the consistory of 10 March determined 
the direction of Catholic strategy for the next century, and are 
counted among the turning points of European history. The third 
was the decision to summon Paulus Manutius to Rome, under the 

23. PIMpp. 155-6 = PIEM no. 1006 (Lodovico Beccadelli from Rome, 
3 May \56\).RLMpp. 36\-2= PIEMno. 1001 (Bemardi from Rome,12 April 
1561). Barberi, Paolo Manuzio, pp. 166-67. "Confirmatio Contractus", 8 Aug. 

24. PIMpp. 1 54-55 = PIEMno. 997 (Antonio Bemardi to Paulus, 20 March 
1561). Julii Pogiani Suniensis Epistolae et Orationes olim Collectae ab Antonio 
Maria Gratiano nunc ab Hieronimo Lagermarsinio . . . illustratae ac primum 
editae, 4 vols., Romae 1756, vol. I, p. 329 = PIEMno. 996 (Seripando to Paulus 
from Rome, 11 March 1561). 


contract now in the Ahmanson-Murphy collection. This was no 
nostalgic gesture towards the past by a few well intentioned 


humanist bishops. 


But what part in papal strategy was the press to play? How 
could the rigorous control of publishing, demanded since 
mid-century by the Inquisition and later implemented in part by 
Paulus himself, be combined with the freedom of editorial 
action implied in the terms of the contract? Of course the high 
hopes of 1561 were soon disappointed, as Barberi saw: but if 
we turn from the contract towards the men associated with 
drafting and carrying it into effect, we also find evidence of 
liberal forces from a much earlier date suddenly returning to 
prominence at the centre of ecclesiastical politics. Much schol- 
arly interest has focused in recent years on those who called for 
reform on scriptural lines within the existing structure of the 
Church: described with inevitable vagueness as "Catholic re- 
formers", "Spirituali", "Christian humanists", "Erasmians" or 
"Illuminados", their influence, apparent in many different Euro- 
pean countries, has been traced well back into the fifteenth 
century. In Italy, attention has concentrated on the circle of 
Gasparo Contarini, both before and after his elevation to the 
Sacred College in 1535. Since his policy of negotiating with 

25. D. Gutierres, ed., "Hieronymi Seripandi Diarium de Vita sua (1513- 
1562)", Analecta Augustiniana 26, 1963, pp. 139^0. 

26. Paulus published two indices of prohibited books in 1564: RAIA 1564 
(21) and (22): UCLA fasc. mb No. 539. 


the Lutherans was disappointed at the Ratisbon dialogues of 1541 
and since he died, utterly demoralised, just over a year later, it has 
been assumed that the ideals he had championed died with him. 
Some have held that they died before him, and that the meeting 
at Ratisbon was never more than a charade. In recent years 
historians have become more inclined to extend the influence of 
Evangelism, though they tend to treat it after 1542 as an under- 
ground movement which lacked support in high places. The story 
behind the Manutius contract raises some different, more intrigu- 


ing possibilities. 

At the base of the document a different hand has added - "S. 
D. N. mandavit ut fieret contractus - lo. Cardinalis Moronus", 
and below that, slightly curtailed by the crumbling of the paper, 
stands the signature "Gu. As. Car.lis Cam." Interestingly, the two 
cardinals who signed on behalf of the papacy had fewer and much 
less obvious connections with the Aldine press than several 
colleagues. In 1556 Morone had received the dedication of an 
Italian translation of Cicero's Philippics from its author, Hi- 
eronimo Ragazzoni: but Paulus Manutius, that most indefatigable 

27. Space is available only for general references: the importance of 
Contarini's circle was stressed by P. McNair, Peter Martyr in Italy, Oxford 1 967; 
Elizabeth Gleason, "On the Nature of Sixteenth- Century Italian EvangeUsm: 
Scholarship 1953-1978", Sixteenth-Century Journal 9, no. 3, 1978, pp. 3-25, 
gives a useful review of the first phase of scholarly interest. The life-span of 
evangelism was extended by Anne Schutte, "The Lettere volgari and the crisis 
of Evangelism in Italy", Renaissance Quarterly 28 no. 4, 1975, pp. 639-88, 
and J. Martin, "Salvation and Society in Sixteenth-Century Venice: Popular 
Evangelism in a Renaissance City", Journal of Modem History 60, 1988, 
pp. 205-33. 


writer of ingratiating letters, seems to have contributed nothing to 
making the contact or developing it thereafter. During the 1560s 
he was able to deal with Morone on an informal basis, since they 


were both resident in Rome. Before that, he may either have felt 
little need of Morone to secure patronage that was already 
available, or have avoided drawing too much attention to friend- 
ships which might breed enmities elsewhere. 

Raised to the purple in 1542, Morone was one of the 
intellectuals picked by Paul III to promote dialogue among the 
Christian powers and prepare the way for the promised council. 
Scion of a Milanese professional family, he travelled widely in 
Germany during the 1530s and collaborated with Reginald Pole 
as legate to the early meetings at Trent. This training had given 
him a diplomat's sense of compromise which the less accommo- 
dating Paul rV found suspect in the tense atmosphere of the 1550s: 
Morone's arrest and imprisonment on suspicion of heresy in 1557 
was a cause celebre, his release on the collapse of that pope's 
Carafa regime in 1559 a sure sign that a change of policy was in 
the wind, and that a new meeting of the Council might be part of 


that change . But to Paul IV- and perhaps to his secular namesake, 
Paulus Manutius - Morone was no more than a symbol of the 
greater principles and personalities who stood behind him. 

28. RAIA 1556 (5), UCLA fasc. IHa No. 428. Ragazoni's letter, dated 20 
February 1 556, makes it clear that the acquaintance with Morone stemmed from 
his brother, not his publisher. Paulus reported personal dealings with Morone on 
several occasions: see RAIA pp. 526, 531-2 = PIEMnos. 1015, 15 July 1561, 
1073, 24 July 1562. 

29. Pastor vols. 14 and 15, and H. Jedin, History of the Council of Trent, 
English edn., 3 vols., London 1958-61. 


"Cardinal Pole was the master, and Cardinal Morone, whom 
we have in Castel Sant' Angelo, is the disciple", Pope Paul once 
hissed in the ear of the Venetian ambassador, and the proceedings 
of the Inquisition at all times refer to Pole as the real suspect. 
Whatever the truth of that charge, Reginald Pole had certainly 
exerted a master's influence on the career and the ideals of Paulus 
Manutius. Paulus himself implied that the acquaintance went back 
to the start of his career, and almost to the date of the Englishman's 
retum to Padua in 1532: in an autobiographical letter written to 
Stefano Sauli, archbishop of Genoa, on 22 July 1553, he remembered 
being introduced to Pole by his neighbour Benedetto Rhamberti, 
secretary of the Venetian senate, and in 1541 he had noted that 
his friendship with Rhamberti was "in its eighth year". 

Humanists' claims to friendship with the great and good 
deserve to be treated with suspicion, especially when contained in 
letters written to other humanists at a time when the great man 
concerned appeared to be reaching the summit of his career. Even 
as Paulus wrote to Sauli, Northumberland's attempted coup was 
collapsing as support flocked to Princess Mary in London. A 
Catholic restoration in England was certain: the only doubt was 

30. M. Haile, The Life of Reginald Pole, 2nd edn., London 191 1, p. 520. 
W. Schenck, Reginald Pole, Cardinal of England, London 1950, pp. 135-6, 
stresses the political aspects of the pope's enmity. But see M. Firpo/D. Marcatto, 
ed.,Ilprocesso inquisitoriale del Cardinale Giovanni Morone -edizione critica. 
1st. stor. italiano per I'eta modema e contemporanea, 5 vols., vol. 1, 1981, p. 
197. "Polus . . . doctor et complex Moroni". 

31 . PMELpp. 5-9 = PIEMno. 508, pp. 23-5 (Sauli): pp. 23-24, to Benedetto 
Rhamberti, dedication of Ciceronis De OJficiis (RAIA 1541 (6), May 1541) = 
PIEMno. 323. Pole returned to Padua during the autumn of 1532: Haile, Pole, 
p. 93. 


whether Reginald Pole would return from two decades of exile as 
cardinal -legate or prince-consort. It would have been natural 
enough in the circumstances for Paulus Manutius to exaggerate 
the length and the warmth of his acquaintance with such a man: 
but as the evidence multiplies, it begins to look as if he treated 
this connection with the greatest possible discretion. 

My research on this paper was progressing in its usual fits 
and starts when the Bodleian Library drew attention, in an 
exhibition entitled Printing Greek - A European Enterprise, to a 
manuscript of Eustratius' commentary on the Ethics of Aristotle, 
carrying the "ex-libris" of Reginald Pole and presented by him 
to New College, Oxford. The Greek text has been marked up as 
copy for the Aldine edition of 1536. Such evidence of editorial 
technique is always important even when it exists in a vacuum or 
when, as in this case, the material is of relatively small contem- 
porary interest and the correction neither very extensive nor very 


penetrating. But if we move outside the confines of codicology 
and bibliography, the evidence of the New College Eustratius has 
a significance far beyond its face value. Any reader of the Calendar 
of State Papers during the last hundred years would have had at 
his disposal all the references necessary to show that Pole's butler 
Bemardino Sandro was an active Greek editor for the printing 

32. G. Elton in Cambridge Modem History vol. 2, 1958, p. 246: Haile, 
Pole, pp. 383-4. 

33. Ms. 240-1, now in the Bodleian. On this codex see Kristian Jensen, 
Printing Greek- A European Enterprise. An Exhibition at the Bodleian Library 
Jamuary-April 1992, p. 4, no. 3. In a letter of 7 May 1537, to Roberto Geronda, 
Paulus mentioned Pole's influence as one of the factors keeping him in Rome: 
PMLVioX. 46 = PIEM no. 294. 


houses of Da Sabbio, Zanetti, and Manutius, as well as being one 
of Thomas Cromwell's liveliest and least suspecting sources of 
information. Bernardino writes of his own work on the texts of 
Basil of Caesarea and Gregory Nazianzenus only: they had, he 
complains to Thomas Starkey, "brought him little profit, but much 
weariness and anxiety". He knew that the text of Eustratius was 
in preparation well before it appeared and may have helped with 
it, though we know from his other reports to Thomas Starkey, 
from Stefano da Sabio's dedication of Basil to Gasparo Contarini, 
and even from the official copyrights that several collaborators 
were involved. Bemardino's wider value as an informant has 
almost completely obscured his role as an editor and its importance 
to Pole. He invariably includes a charming tour round the 
sideshows, lectures, and markets of booming Venice along with 
his account of doings at the palazzo near San Tom and the list of 
the guests who came so frequently to burden him with yet another 
enormous party: first the Venetians Gasparo Contarini, Matteo 
Dandolo, and that unspeakable Alvise di Priuli, who always 
wanted to go somewhere else; then the scholars from Padua, 
especially Lazaro Bonamico and Benedetto Lampridio, whom he 
seems to have found more tolerable because they were quieter; 
then the French ambassador Georges de Selve and his entourage. 

34. British Library, Ms. Cotton, Nero B. Vn fol. 125 (full version - mentions 
"Bernardino theatino" as collaborator): J. Gairdner, ed., Letters and Papers of the 
Reign of Henry, vol. 10, London 1887, pp. 194-95, no. 479 p. 394, no. 945. Fuller 
editorial detail, though without mention of names, in OPERA QUAEDAM BEAT! 
salutis MDXXXV Mense Novembri, fols. * ii r-* v r. Vital background in B. Collett, 
Italian Benedictine Scholars and the Reformation: The Congregation of Santa 
Giustina of Padua, Oxford: Clarendon Press 1 985, passim. 


very Gallic and garrulous, never fewer than fifteen in number. It 
made the place like a court in exile, he wrote. One can imagine 


Cromwell's stoney reaction to that phrase. 

Bernardino was not party to the more secluded conversations 
that these visitors had with Pole, and his wish to be discrete is 
sometimes touching as well as a shade ridiculous. Without 
realising that he was doing more than keeping old friends like 
Lupset in touch, he gave his contacts in London all the information 
they needed to identify, name by name, the concentric circles of 
diplomats, clerics, and intellectuals which were revolving around 
Pole, and the publishing houses they were using to louden the 
whispers they left echoing in his ear. This topic encorporates issues 
of international intrigue which lie far beyond the bookish confines 
of this monograph, and I can only promise to return to it in a wider 
study: it is enough for now to say that bibliography formed part 
of the intrigue, and that Paulus Manutius was an important part 
of the intellectual circle. 

Evidence from the 1530s is fairly plentiful, though sometimes 
so well concealed as to evade even the diligent Pastorello. We 
know that the French ambassador's secretary, Petrus Bunellus, 
lodged with Paulus in Venice. This gave him secure access to the 
literary salon that met at the embassy in palazzo Dandolo, 
preparing the ground for several dedications and opening the way 
to important further contacts. We know, for example, that Paulus 
became a vocal member of similar groups which assembled in 
Padua, where he certainly became familiar with Bonamico, 

35. Ms. Cotton, Nero B. VII fol. Ill v-r (the letter is reversed). The printed 
version in Leffera and Papers, Vol. 9, pp. 167-68, no. 512, is abbreviated, and gives 
no explanation of the allusions to editorial work for the various presses. 


Vicenzo Maggi, and Guglielmo Pazzi - all men who liked to mix 
their discussion of Greek tragic plots with something nearer the 
realities of their own time. How close these devious avenues 
brought Paulus to Pole personally we have no means of telling. 
The cardinal certainly alluded to Gregory Nazianzenus in his 
writings on the unity of the Church, and it may not have been an 
accident that Paulus made the first of several extended visits to 
Rome in the spring of 1537 -just after Pole had been summoned 
to join the committee on ecclesiastical reform. ^^ 

If any letters did pass between the two during Pole's lifetime, 
Paulus covered their traces as careftiUy as he could. In 1545, when 
he published a Latin verse paraphrase of the Psalms by Pole's 
chaplain, Marcantonio Flaminio, he issued it as a plain text: this 
cannot really be explained by the hue and cry against the 
perilous Beneficio di Crista Crocifisso, which did not reach 
significant volume for another two years, and - as we shall soon 
see - presents a strong contrast to Paul's treatment of Flaminio 's 
work in 1565.^^ 

36. F. Grauff, ed., Epistolae Petri Bunelli, Pauli Manutii, Christophori 
Longolii, Petri Bembi, Jacohi Sadoleti, Aonii Palearii, partim selectae, partim 
integrae, Berne 1837, no. 38, p. 61: Paulus refers to Bunellus as "hospitem". 
Biblioteca del Seminario, Padova Ms. 71 fols. 6r-7r letter of Bunellus, showing 
Paulus active in Paduan literary discussion at the latest by 4 June 1 534. On Maggi, 
see A. Tausserat-Radel, Correspondance Politique de Guillaume Pellider, Ambas- 
sadeur de France a Venise 1540-2, 2 vols., Paris 1 899, vol. 1 , p. 6, n. 1 . 

37. Epistolarum Reginaldi Poli Cardinalis et aliorum ad Ipsum, Pars II, 
Brixiae, Johanne Maria Rizzardi 1745, fol. 109. 

l^.RAIA 1545 (1), UCLA fasc. ma no. 291. On Flaminio's association with 
the Beneficio see T. Bozza, Nuovi studi sulla Rifi)rma in Italia - II Beneficio di 
Cristo, Rome: Edizioni di storia e letteratura 1976. 


For at least two decades the Manutius press used the services of 
other familiars of Pole including Pierfrancesco Zino, canon of 
Verona, parish priest of Lonato, and a rather abstruse Brescian 
humanist named lovita Rabicius, an expert on prose rhythms who 
edited Pliny's Natural History during the 1530s. It was never the 
Manutius editor who drew attention to the connection with 
Cardinal Pole. In 1558 Paulus issued an oration of Pole's in 
favour of peace between France and the emperor under the 
imprint of the Accademia Veneziana. The speech was four years 
out of date already, and may not have been published in Pole's 

Pole's elevation to the Sacred College at the end of 1536 
had made him "open enemy" to a king who now claimed 
leadership of his Church as well as his state. From that moment, 
the "Cardinal of England's" path was so set about with daggers 
that he and his friends often had to walk with cloaks drawn tightly 
across their faces. As he became a public arbiter of style, Paulus 
Manutius also learned to advance his private interests by dropping 
the right name at the right time. In a letter dated 1537 he told 
Roberto Geronda of the three friendly cardinals - Pole, Cervini, 
and Maffei - who were keeping him in Rome against his will. 
This letter has clearly been retouched, for even Cervini did not 
become a cardinal until 1538, and Maffei had to wait ten years 

On the rise of criticism, see Pastor vol. 14 pp. 472-3: Firpo/Marcatto, ed., 
II processo inquisitoriale, cit. under n. 30, above, vol. 1, 1981, p. 185. 

39. On Zino's service as an editor see Gregorii Nyssae Hexameron {RAIA 
1553 [1]); Joannis Damasceni Orationes {RAIA 1554 [2]). On Rapicius, lovitae 
Rapicii Brixiani de Numero Oratorio Libri Quinque {RAIA 1 554 [9], UCLA fasc. 
nia no. 398). For Oratione delta Pace, see IL4IA Academia (15), UCLA fasc. 
mb no. 464. 


after that. Others may well have been suppressed entirely. When 
Paulus wrote to Sauli in July 1553, Reginald Pole had just been 
appointed legate to a restored Catholic Church in England. Before 
that, the luckless cardinal had been the target of Henry VIII's 
assassins: soon after, he would draw the prying eyes of Paul IV's 

• .. 40 


It is precisely these shifts in the capricious wind of patronage 
and fortune that the new document and its background help us to 
understand. Morone, Pole, and Cervini represented the intellectual 
wing of a Catholic Church that was squaring up to its own 
imperfections and seeking to remedy them. Their support meant 
acquaintance with leading scholars, privileged access to secluded 
libraries, commissions for authors like Gregory Nazianzenus. But 
little profit, occasionally serious risk went with the excitement. In 
apparent contrast, the other cardinal who signed the contract on 
the Church's behalf and the agent who drew it up were both 
creatures of the graft and nepotism associated with the vanishing 
age of the Borgia and the della Rovere. The rather flamboyant 
signature which he left on tlie curial documents of four decades 
serves to identify the second signatory as Guido Ascanio Sforza, 
cardinal- chamberlain from 1537 until his death in 1564, raised 
to the purple as one of two "cardinali nipoti" on 12 December 
1534, two months after the election of his grandfather Alessan- 
dro Famese as Paul III. He was sixteen and his better known 

40. PMLVM. 46 = PIEM no. 294, cited under n. 33, above. Eubel vol. 3, 
pp. 29, 34, on Cervini's and Mallei's elevations. T. F. Mayer, "If Martyrs are 
to be exchanged with Martyrs: the Kidnapping of William Tyndale and Reginald 
?o\e"\ Archiv fiir Reformationsgeschichte 81, 1990, pp. 286-308. 


cousin, another Alessandro Famese, just thirteen at the time. Both 
were studying at Bologna.'*^ But while the younger boy revelled 
in his sudden prominence and became an able secretary of state 
before he was twenty, Guido Ascanio seems to have been so 
stunned that he spent the rest of his life as an expressionless face 
behind a sheaf of papers. In the 1540s the more indulgent 
ambassadors still noticed and described him as "a rather timid 
person": by 1561 Seripando and Paulus referred to him simply as 
"the chamberlain" as if they were aware of what he did and 
appreciated it but could not put a name to his self-effacing 



Paul Ill's election established the Famese of Parma as one of 
the great dynasties of sixteenth-century Italy, and perhaps the last 
to dispense patronage on the grand scale associated with the 
Medici, the Gonzaga and the Este of the previous generation. As 
a young man, the future Paul III had received part of his education 
in the palace of Lorenzo de 'Medici, and one of his first acts as 
pope was to commission Michelangelo as chief painter, architect 
and sculptor to decorate the altar wall of the Sistine Chapel. This 
double tradition of patronage and dynasticism makes it all the 
more significant to find twelve Aldine editions dedicated to four 

4\.RLMpp. 363 = PIEMm. 1002, 19 April 1561. RAIA pp. 526-7= 
PZEMNo. 1015, 15 July 1561. Eubel p. 23, on Sfoiza's cardinalate. We are 
grateful to Dr Leonard Boyle for identifiying the signature for us from MS. 
Vaticanus Latinus 13678, fo. 69r. 

42. Summary of diplomatic reports on Guido Ascanio by Pastor vol. 1 1, 
pp. 1 39-40 n. 1: Seripando's report to Paulus on 19 April 1561: T^LA/ff^p. 363, 
Ep. XXI = PIEM no. 1002. For a short biography see CEBR vol. 3, pp. 


different members of the Famese dynasty over four generations. 

When he turned to Cardinal Alessandro Famese for help in 
1566, Paulus Manutius claimed that his links with the family 
were "now in their thirtieth year", and that he had been 
introduced to the then young secretary of state by his friends 
Bernardino Maffei and Marcello Cervini. This points to 1537, 
when Paulus attached himself for a while to the household of 
Maffei, Famese 's private secretary. But the introduction made 
Paulus a dependant's dependant, and since the Famese house- 
hold alone included some 600 members, it would have left him 
on the outer fringe of a very wide circle. Within its limits, this 
relationship served his turn well enough. Cervini and Maffei 
were made cardinals in 1538 and 1548: Paulus was consulted 
about Cervini 's plan to print the rarer Greek works in the 
Vatican library, and kept abreast of the research into Roman 
antiquities that interested Maffei. Annibale Caro, secretary to 
Alessandro 's father Pierluigi Famese and a dabbler in Italian 
verse, made a useful intermediary as Pierluigi was attempting 
to attach himself to the imperial governor of Milan and spent 
much of his time in the north. 

43. Pastor vol. 12 pp. 523-648 "Paul IE as patron of arts". Barbara M. 
Hallman, Italian Cardinals, Reform and the Church as Property, University of 
California Press 1985, treats the Famese as a "new" family (p. 12), but 
emphasises their dynasticism (pp. 29, 149). Dedications were addressed by 
Paulus or his editors to Pope Paul, Alessandro, Ranuzio and Fabio. 

44. Nolhac pp. 268, 277-80, (Paulus to Alessandro Famese, 14 March 1566) 
= PIEM no. 1260. PMLV fol. 46 = PIEM no. 294, puts Paulus in Rome in 
Maffei's company on 7 May 1537. 

45. Eubel pp. 29 (Ceivini), 34 (Maffei). PXELpp. 24-21 = PIEXfNo. 314, shows 
Paulus writing to Cervini about his plans during autumn 1539: A. Seghezzi, Lettere del 


But there was a great difference in the degree of interest that 
these highly placed ecclesiastics showed in their scholarly pur- 
suits. Shortly before 1540 Ranuzio Famese appeared at Padua to 
join Romulo Cervini, so the younger brothers of two vital cardinals 
were twenty miles from Venice and in need of just the local 
guidance that Paulus had to offer. He seems to have found it an 
uphill task. Romulo was clearly not an academic success, and came 
in for some abrasive comment on both his Latin style and his 
manners. But Ranuzio must have learned something from Lazaro 
Bonamico. He replied urbanely to a letter of congratulation on his 
elevation to the cardinalate, and expressed an interest in Paulus' 
commentary on the letters of Cicero, which was dedicated to him 
in 1547. Four other dedications followed by 1562.'*^ Whether he 
dropped the name of Manutius in the ear of his elder brother we 
have no means of knowing. Alessandro wrote to Piero Vettori 
during the first weeks of 1561 to seek his advice on the plan to 
establish a press at Rome, and Ranuzio directed the antiquarian 
Fulvio Orsini to place the full resources of the Famese library at 
Paulus' disposal. The signature of Guido Ascanio, cardinal- 

Comm. Annihal Cam, Milan 1807, vol. 1, p. xxvi, shows Caro being used as an 
intermediary in late 1540. Extensive reference was made in Paulus' scholia on 
Cicero's letters (1540) to an "ancient manuscript" in the possession of MafTei. 

46. PMEL p. 43 = P/£MNo. 293 (Paulus writes from Rome to Romulo 
Cervini in Padua, May 1537): PMEL pp. 205-7 = PIEMno. 343, 25 June 1541 (?), 
(Cervini rebuked). 

47. PIMpp 44-45, No. 397, Ranuzio Famese to Paulus, 16 March 1546. 
Lazari Bonamici Carmina, cited under n. 1, above, pp. 102-3, Ep. 13. Eubel p. 
33, on his cardinalate. 

48. British Library, Additional Ms. 10275, Epistolario di Piero Vettori lb. 
119, Famese to Vettori 21 February 1561 . Nolhac pp. 282-83 = PIEMno. 1016, 
20 July 1561. 


chamberlain, set the official stamp on a connection between the 
house of Famese and the Manutius press that was more than 
twenty years old. It had been very fully advertised: but the great 
men did little more than express polite sympathy, leaving the more 
positive action to subordinates. 

Negotiations over the contract were handled by another 
Famese dependant, Antonio Bemardi, bishop of Caserta, who is 
named in the text as Paulus' agent and was reporting progress to 
him on 20 March 1561. Better known to his contemporaries as 
Antonio della Mirandola, he had become Alessandro's adviser on 
philosophy in 1539 and soon made himself very obnoxious to 
rivals by his success in securing benefices worth 200 ducats 
annually and by his readiness to defend the most daring proposi- 
tions. Using Aristotle's Poetics to prove that Virgil "knew little 
of poetry" was not likely to endear a speaker to his audience in 
mid-sixteenth-century Rome. He became bishop of Caserta in 
1553, but never took up residence. The inquisitors duly noted that 
he had discussed invocation of the saints with Cardinal Morone: 
but if this was one of his daring propositions, he was not called 
upon to defend it. 

The signatures of Morone and Sforza personify aspects of 
patronage so different that Ludwig von Pastor treated the 
appointment of the men concerned as opposite slopes of a 
watershed in papal policy - first the pampered grandsons, then 
the reforming intellectuals. But the correspondence of 1560 and 

49. Firpo/Marcatto, ed. // processo inqnisitoriale, vol. 1, p. 183: "Fr. 
Antonius Bemardi de Mirandola... cum quo Moronus disserit de invocatione 
sanctorum". Pp. 261-62 for biographical notes. Donato Gianotti refers to his 
rapacious behaviour in letters of 1540: B. L. Add. MS. 10267, fols. 64, 76. 


1561 does not suggest that either Morone or the Fame se cardinals 
played an exclusive, or even a dominant part in the discussion that 
identified publishing as a vital aspect of reformist strategy and 
Paulus Manutius as its obvious instrument. Seripando wrote just 
as respectfully of Cardinal Carpi, whom he had watched as a 
likely contender for the papal tiara in the conclave of 1559, and 
whom, as he probably knew, Paulus had contacted in earlier 
and less successful negotiations. Rodolfo Pio had been pro- 
moted in December 1536 along with Pole and Sadoleto among 
Paul Ill's second batch of intellectual cardinals, and confirmed 
almost immediately as nuncio to France. It was a clever choice. 
In 1531 Rodolfo had inherited the property and the influence 
of his uncle Alberto Pio, who had been active as French 
ambassador in Rome during the 1520s, and had died in Paris. 
Forty-five years earlier Alberto had been the pupil and patron 
of Aldus Manutius, who dedicated every volume of his great 
first edition of Aristotle to him and had just completed the series 
when, in 1500, Alberto bought the library of the polymath Giorgio 
Valla. In 1531 the 1,514 volumes passed to Rodolfo. It is not 
surprising that Paulus compared his position favourably with his 
father's. Besides the committed papal support which had always 
eluded Aldus, he could count on old friends to rally round him. 

Though Antonio Bemardi acted as his agent, Paulus' principal 
mentor and contact in the dealings with the Holy See during 1561 
was the Augustinian Girolamo Seripando, another old ally who 

50. See Eubel p. 25 on Rodolfo Pio's elevation. On his library. Cardinal 
Giovanni Mercati, Codici Latini Pico Grimani Pio e di altra biblioteca ignota 
del secoloXVI essistente nell'Ottoboniana, Studi e Testi 75, Citta del Vaticano 
1938, pp. 38-74. For a short biography of Alberto see CEBR vol. 3 pp. 86-8. 


represented still older interests. Intellectually, Seripando was a 
strange contrast to the Aristotelian tradition of Alberto Pio and the 
biblical theology of Pole and Morone. As a popular preacher he 
was invited to give the Lenten sermons of 1532 in Venice, and in 
his diary he noted the displeasure of his provincial vicar when he 
stole a few days of literary distraction in Padua. Paulus, who was 
frequenting the intellectual circles of the university and expanding 
his useful acquaintance under the guidance of Benedetto Rham- 
berti, almost certainly met him on this occasion. When he 
attempted to develop his contact about two years later, Paulus 
showed not the slightest interest in Seripando's theological knowl- 
edge: he wanted emendations to the text of Cicero, and other Latin 
authors of an even more secular quality, such as Plautus, Terence, 
and Catullus. In the first of two unusually personal letters, written 
on 8 March 1534, he referred rather obliquely to having received 
"just two days ago" a copy of some previously unpublished 
elegies of the Neapolitan poet Jacopo Sannazaro. The source is 
not specified. But the edition of Sannazaro's poems which Paulus 
printed under the date 1533 contained twenty-four pages of odes 
and elegies missing from the earlier edition of 1528, besides 
attributions of several poems to other authors and an apology to 
the reader for the hurried corrections made essential by the last 
minute arrival of new material "when the book was almost 
complete". A year later Paulus was more informative. He 

51 . "Diarium", cited under n. 25, p. 17. On Paulus' activity at this time see 
citations under n. 36, above. 

52. RAJA pp. 520-2 = PIEMno. 282. De Partu Virginis, fols. 67r-79v carry 
the poems missing from the 1528 edition, and a note "Lectori" on fol. 99v 
corrects the attribution of the Lament on the Slaughter of the Innocents and some 


apologised to Seripando for the delay in publishing Sannazaro's 
works, set the blame squarely on his unhelpful uncles, and asked 
if a manuscript of Grattius' poem on hunting could be found 
among Sannazaro's papers. Grattius' Cynegeticon, one of the last 
important Aldine first editions of the classics, had appeared about 
a month earlier. Its editor, the Silesian Georgius Logus, mentioned 
using an apograph of the manuscript which Sannazaro had dis- 
covered in France, and Paulus was hoping to follow this lead 
towards the archetype itself Seripando was one of his first and 


most active editorial contacts. 

The letter of 10 March 1535 reveals one of those associations 
which the correspondents themselves sometimes preferred to 
conceal from an inquisitive rival or a disapproving authority like 
Seripando 's vicar general. Though it seems to have been the last 
exchange between them for nearly three decades, it also reveals 
continuities in Aldine editorship that reach back to the turn of the 
century, and forward to the Council of Trent. Distinguished both 
as an Italian and a neo-Latin poet, Saimazaro had combined his 
diplomatic duties during the first years of the sixteenth century 
with a search for manuscripts in the monastic libraries of France. 
Aldus evidently heard something of his quest, for in 1502 he 
dedicated to Sannazaro an account of travels in the Black Sea by 

of the fishennan's Eclogues. RAIA 1533 (11): UCLA fasc Dla no. 229. The 
edition should probably be dated in late February 1533 (Venetian style after 
1533), its ^pearance to March 1534. 

53. RAIA p. 523 = PIEM'^o. 288, 10 March 1535. The edition of Grattius 
{RAIA 1534 [1]) carries a long dedication to Anton Fugger, which mentions 
Sannazaro's manuscript on fol. a3v. See C. Vecce, "Aldo Manuzio e la scoperta 
dei manoscritti" in Les Humanistes et I'Antiquite Grecque, ed. M. Ishigami- 
Jagohiitzer, Paris 1989, p. 153. 


a Genoese merchant, probably in the hope of securing access to 
the new material. The plan misfired. Another Venetian publisher, 
Bernardino da Vercelli, had already issued a pirated edition of 
Sannazaro's own worics, and though Aldus tried to pacify him in the 
dedication of a properly authorised text oi Arcadia in 1514, the 
disgmntled writer never trusted Venetian printers again. But his 
fellow-Neapohtan Seripando recorded his death in 1530 and secured 
access to his papers. The lost Latin poets and the new experimental 
verse dialogues in Neapolitan patois linked the Augustinian to the 
publisher, and played their part in Paulus' name being pressed forward 
in the discussions of February 1561. 

A little further reading through the vital exchange of letters 
between Paulus and Seripando would force the names of other 
interested cardinals on our attention: Vitelli, Scoto, and Da Mula 
were associated with Morone as a sub-committee on publications; 
Borromeo acted as a sympathetic intermediary with his uncle the 
pope; Sirleto was thoroughly acquainted with the Roman libraries. 
Perhaps we may spare ourselves the embarrassment, for whatever 
their importance, these men were relative newcomers to Aldine 
patronage, and the significance of the sheet in the Ahmanson-Murphy 
collection is clear enough already. It emphasises a continuous 
tradition of intellectual aspiration and patronage where Renouard 
found a sudden change of direction. It blocks off all the convenient 
arguments that Barberi used to explain why Paulus' high hopes of 

54. For the text of Aldus' approaches to Sannazaro see G. Orlandi, ed., 
Aldo Manuzio editore, 2 vols., Milan 1975, nos. XLI, LXXXVID. On the 
background C . Vecce, Jacopo Sannazaro in Francia -Medioevo e Rinascimento 
69, Padova: Antenori 1 988. For a short biography and further references, CEBR 
vol. 3 pp. 193-94. 


Rome were so swiftly disappointed: far from overpitching his 
claims or lacking the support to back them up, Paulus got 
everything he asked for above a signed guarantee of support from 
papal authorities represented by the most lavish clerical dynasty 
in Italy. Finally, the array of names associated with the contract 
raises very awkward questions about the whole nature of papal 
policy and the direction that the Catholic reformation was taking. 
If the promulgation of Paul IV's index in 1558 represented a 
triumph for the principle of censorship, why was a grand alliance 
of humanist cardinals summoning the most celebrated Italian 
publisher of secular classics to Rome? The editorial strategy of 
the Aldine press in the 1560s has much wider implications. The 
appearance of the Ahmanson-Murphy document forces us to face 
the responsibility of finding some clearer answers. 


The death of Paul IV also meant the fall of his Carafa relations, 
and it is intriguing to find that one of the architects of their 
destruction was the unobtrusive Guido Ascanio Sforza. Alongside 
the political manoeuvring there developed an emotional and 
intellectual revulsion from many of the policies associated with 
the Carafa regime and a realisation that the development of 
Calvinist doctrine was creating opportunities, as well as threats, 
by dividing the Protestant world against itself In 1558 the Polish 
cleric Stanislaus Hosius, a graduate of Padua and yet another 

55. Grendler, Roman Inquisition pp. 1 15-27. 

56. Pastor vol. 15 p. 135. 


student of Lazaro Bonamico, had railed against the disagreement 
of Wittenberg and Geneva on the crucial issue of Justification. In 
private correspondence he criticised papal government for neglect- 
ing the opportunities offered by printing, and clamping down so 
ruthlessly that theologians who wanted to study had to wait for 


Protestants to publish the books they needed. The entries in 
Seripando's personal diary after his arrival in Rome in the autumn 
of 1560 make interesting reading: Cardinals Famese, Borromeo, 
and Pio went out of their way to welcome him; discussions 
involved reducing the list of banned books, and at the same time 


seizing the initiative in a programme of Catholic publications. 
Establishing the immensely prestigious Manutius press in Rome 
would give those publications an invaluable appeal. When Cardi- 
nal Otto Truchses of Augsburg wrote to inform Hosius of Paulus' 
arrival in Rome, he had no doubt that a new text of the Bible 
would be among the first projects. 

Inevitably, the longer perspective of history has linked Paulus' 
move with the publication first of the decrees of the Council of 
Trent, then with the revised catechisms and service books pro- 
duced after 1566 under a monopoly that proved to be unworkable. 
These liturgical and canonical texts were certainly significant, and 
perhaps more significant in their impact than their number. Paulus 

57. De Expresso Dei Verbo libelliis, Antwerp: Jo. Stelsius 1561, fo. 28v. 
There is a Viennese edition of 1558, which I have not seen. His views on 
censorship and publishing are quoted by Seripando in a letter to Paulus: RAIA 
p. 527 = PIEM no. 1030, 6 October 1 561 . He is mentioned as a friend and pupil 
by Bonamico in Camiina et Epistolae, cited under n. 1, above, pp. 83-84. 

58. "Diarium"pp. 131-37. 

59. Pogiani Epistolae, cited under n. 24 above, vol. 1, pp. 269-75. 


printed nineteen editions of the Canones et Deere ta, nine of the 
catechism, three of the breviary. But the total of 161 Aldine 
imprints known between 1562 and Paulus' retirement from Rome 
in 1570 reveals that this sub-group of 31 editions was only one 
aspect of a wider editorial strategy. 

More can be learned of this broader picture from the twenty 
theological or patristic editions which Paulus printed in Rome 
before 1566, some of them in anticipation of the conciliar decrees. 
Curt Biihler pointed forty years ago to the editorial care taken over 
these texts, and his views are underlined by the exceptional quality 
of their presentation - a generous folio or quarto format, wide 
margins, monumental title pages with huge "dolphin and anchor" 
emblems giving maximum publicity both to Aldine press and its 
new location. What Biihler missed was the programmatic nature 
of the texts themselves, and the degree to which that programme 
represented a return to the authors, the editors, and the ideals of 
the 1530s. Any writer was bound to, until the reappearance of the 
lost contract made it possible to reconstruct the group of humanist 
prelates who had committed themselves to the whole project. 

On 1 August 1561, Seripando wrote to Morone from Trent, 
urging him to search through Reginald Pole's papers for his tract 
on councils, which would be the best possible publicity for the 
new gathering and an answer to Protestant attacks on its authority. 
Paulus himself was to write "one of those prefaces of his" - 
Seripando knew that polished Latin would commend the book to 
a larger circle of readers. Paulus sent a draft for his approval on 
25 November, and early in the following year 220 copies of a very 

60. "Paulus Manutius and his first Roman printings", Papers of the 
Bibliographical Society of America 46, 1952, pp. 209-14. 


large press-run of 1700 were taken to Trent by Cardinal Borro- 
meo's chaplain, clearly for distribution to the assembled fathers. 
Cooperation between the patrons and the editor was close, but 
allowed a degree of latitude. Paulus obeyed Seripando's sugges- 
tion that he say something of Pole's conversion from secular 
philosophy to theology, and corrected the detail that he had not 
been promoted to a cardinalate before he left Padua: but he ignored 
the hint that he give less space to the pope's invitation to himself 
The first three pages of the introduction dealt with nothing else. 
Perhaps Paulus remembered that the contract gave him full 
responsibility for the day to day running of the operation. But his 
first Roman editions were designed and distributed as propaganda 
to reinstate Pole, his ideas, and his associates. From the very 
beginning his programme of publication was directed by a group 
of cardinals whose careers reached back to Pole's time. 

The press relied on three principal editors: Johannes Gabius 
of Verona, who was a chaplain of Cardinal Vitelli, one of the 
commission of four appointed to assist Morone; Petrus Galesinus, 
who spoke of Borromeo as his "patron"; and Marianus Victorius, 
who had passsed from Pole's service to Morone's. One of the five 

61 . H. Jedin, Girolamo Seripando: sein Leben undDenken im Geisteskampf 
des 16. Jahrhunderts, 2 vols, Wiirzburg 1937, vol. 1 pp. 632-33, Ep. 51 
(Seripando to Morone): RAIA pp. 527-28 = P/£A//No. 1 037 (Paulus to Seripando, 
sending draft): pp. 528-30, no. 1040 (Seripando's comment, 11 December 1561). 
The result of the editorial activity can be seen in Reginaldi Poll De Concilia, 
fols. A2r-A4v (UCLA fasc. IQb no. 503). On the size of this and later press-runs 
see below, p. 56, and notes. Concilium Tridentinum, Diariorum, Actorum, 
Epistolarum, Tractatuum Nova Collectio, Tomns Decimus Tertius, Friburgi 
Brisgoviae 1967, pp. 563-79, shows that discussions in January and February 
1 562 were devoted largely to procedure. 


editions prepared by Galesinus was a translation ofTheodoretus' 
commentary on the Song of Songs; Galesinus had inherited the 
project from Franciscus Zinus, canon of Verona and a familiar of 
Pole's. The Jesuit Julius Pogianus, member of an order whose 
cardinal-protector was Alessandro Famese, made it clear in his 
introduction to Chrysostom's De Virginitate that the plan to have 
the work translated had originated with Cardinal Cervini, and been 
taken up after his death by Pole. Behaviour in the nunneries had 
supplied a major theme in an address to the Council by Lodovico 
Beccadelli on 29 January 1562. 

How far these editors can be regarded as "humanists" whose 
values would still have been recognisable to an earlier generation 
is a delicate point. The rhetoric of their introductions and dedica- 
tions preserved little of the confidence and optimism expressed 
by Erasmus or" Lefvre d'Etaples in the second and third decades 
of the century. Erasmus was an enemy, his name denounced and 
his crimes itemised. Marianus Victorius designed his text of 
Jerome's Letters as an attack on Erasmus' version, which he 
dismissed as the product of craft and ignorance, poison disguised 
as wholesome fare. By comparing Erasmus' text with manuscripts 
in the Vatican, Brescia and Naples, he claimed to have corrected 
1500 passages. Though few gave the polemic such a personal 
edge, the same abrasive, combative tone can be found everywhere. 
The contract itself wrote of books being "corrupted by the 

62. In Canticum Canticonim Explanatio, fol. a3r {UCLA fasc. IITb no. 516). 
Chrysostomi De Virginitate, fol. a4v {UCLA fasc. IHb no. 505). On Beccadelli's 
address see Concilium, cited in previous n., pp. 580-82. 

63. Hieronymi Stridoniensis Epistolae et Libri contra Haereticos, vol. 1 
fols. a2r-a5r {UCLA fasc. Hlb no. 543/1). 


heretics". Perversion of the scriptures was the most deadly weapon 
of the heretics, wrote Gabius in his introduction to Theodoretus' 
commentary on Ezekiel during 1563: indeed "wicked writings" 
had harmed the Church more than Nero, Domitian and all the 
persecutors put together, echoed Galesinus in his dedication of 
the same father's commentary on the Song of Songs. 

Yet in the same dedications the same editors showed 
themselves prepared to use the language of humanism and 
invoke its methods. In his dedication oi De Sacramento Con- 
fessionis to Pius IV, Marianus Victorius stated what was 
essentially the Erasmian doctrine of a return to the uncontami- 
nated sources of the Christian faith. Heretics had too long been 
allowed to claim that theirs was true, ancient doctrine "received 
from Christ and the apostles", while the Catholic Church clung 
to "fictions devised a mere three centuries ago by the school- 
men". His answer was to prove that the sacrament of confession 
had been approved by writers from St. Matthew to Aquinas, 
and that the continuity of Catholic doctrine could be established 
by the very methods which critics had sought to use against it. 
Paulus and Galesinus both elaborated the themes of continuity 
and example in dedications of 1563. With Germany and France 
ablaze, Paulus wrote to Cardinal Borromeo, the Church must learn 
the lessons and follow the path of its early heroes, like Bishop 
Cyprian of Carthage, who had faced similar crises. Leaders must 
feel themselves standing as their predecessors had stood face to 

64. In Ezechielem Prophetam Commentarius, Ibl. a2v (UCLA fasc. mb no. 
517). In Canticum Canticorum fol. a2r. 

65. The work is described in UCLA fasc. Illb no. 508. Pp. 5-15 contain 
Victorius' introduction, pp. 17-23 list his authorities from St. Matthew to Aquinas. 


face with Arians and Pelagians: they must state their opinions 
firmly, but above all convert by example. What had overcome the 
persecutors in the end, Galesinus assured Boromeo, was the 
constancy and sanctity of the early fathers: once their successors 
could copy that, the heretics would be "unable to withstand the 
light of the Church". ^^ The aim was still to persuade, not to 

Titles were selected and introductions crafted to emphasise 
the twin themes of constancy in belief and triumph m adversity. 
The eleven patristic texts published between 1562 and 1566 
presented writers fi-om the Church's age of struggle between the 
fourth and sixth centuries - Theodoretus, Gregory the Great and 
Gregory of Nyssa, Ambrose, Jerome, Augustine, Eucherius of 
Lyons, John Chrysostom, Salvianus of Marseilles, Maximus of 
Tyre - and concentrated on themes vital to its doctrine. Virginity 
was chosen for defence because it had "always been attacked by 
heretics". The role of the fathers in the councils which had marked 
each great crisis in the Church was kept well to the fore, and Pope 
Pius was saluted as their successor. The tone of the rhetoric, and 
some of the passages on which it was based - Cyprian's allusion 
to the pope as "Brother", for example -exactly followed examples 
used by Pole against Henry VIII in 1537.^^ The impact was highly 
acclaimed. As early as June 1562, the Hungarian Zsambok wrote 
to Paulus of his delight at the first volume of Theodoretus and 

66. Cypriani Episcopi Opera (1563), fols. a2v-a4v {UCLA fasc. Illb no. 
5 1 8): Salviani Massiliensis De vero ludicio et Providentia Dei Homiliae (1 564), 
fol. a4r {UCLA fasc. mb no. 530). 

67. Gregorii Nyseni Liber de Virginitate (1562) fol. a4r {UCLA fasc. nib 
no. 506). Allusions to Cyprian in Reginaldi Poli Cardinalis Britanni ad 


Pole's treatise on councils. Even the Protestants, he foretold, 
would be unable to resist such elegance of script and language, 
and would reach eagerly for the next volume. It was the answer 
to Hosius' fear that the only available means of higher theological 
study came from heretical sources. If this was not a humanist 
programme in the strict sense, it invoked the humanist method of 
purification through an accurate study of the sources and an 
emulation of the examples which those texts contained. It aimed 
to achieve that through the circulation of books, not their 

The seventy-four classical or humanist texts published by the 
Manutius press during the 1560s have attracted little attention, in 
spite of the fact that they account for nearly half its total output. 
Compared to their great predecessors, they appear to deserve little. 
Only one outstanding new project was brought to fruition: it 
derived from the scientific, rather than the more strictly "human- 
ist" or literary tradition of antiquity, and it was a commissioned 
work for which the translator paid Paulus a fee of 35 scudi. The 
publications of 1562 included a translation of Ptolemy's De 
Analemmate, a treatise on solar clocks rediscovered by Marcello 
Cervini and passed for tremslation to Federicus Commandinus. 
The printed version was a first edition illustrated with ninety- 
eight complex woodcuts of the various sun-dial designs dis- 
cussed. Dedicated to Ranuzio Famese, it offers further proof of 
the continuing interest of that great dynasty in the Manutius 

Henricum Octavum Britanniae regent pro Ecclesiae Unitatis Defensione Libri 
Quatuor, Romae: apud Antonium Bladum Asulanum 1537, fol. LXII. Compare 
Cypriani Episcopi Opera, fol. 248v. 

68. PIMp. 179 = PIEK'lm. 1070, 13 Kal Julii 1562. See n. 57, above. 


press. Most of the other editions were new issues of well 
established texts such as the works of Cicero that Paulus had 
brought out in the 1540s, or the versions of Terence and Horace 
that Muretus had prepared for him towards the end of the following 
decade. Statistics suggest a careful correlation of supply and 
demand: twenty-five editions of various works of Cicero, five each 
of Terence and Horace, three of Virgil and Sallust. Most were 
printed in Venice by the younger Aldus, and they became more 
numerous the less satisfied Paulus felt with his situation in Rome: 
by 1570 only two of twenty editions published under the Aldine 
imprint were produced in Rome, and neither was theological. This 
naturally creates an impression that the Manutii treated classics as 
an alternative rather than a complement to theology or canon law, 
and makes it all the more necessary to insist that Paulus and his 
allies had originally hoped for an integrated programme. 

The contract referred to "libri di ogni sorte". Within a month 
of his arrival in Rome Paulus was involved in a brisk correspon- 
dence with the antiquarian Fulvio Orsini, whom Ranuzio Famese 
had instructed to offer the ftiU resources of the family library. They 
planned editions of Herodotus "and other similar books, for", 
added Paulus, "this was the design that brought me to Rome in 
the first place".^^ Few of these exotic plans came to fruition: but 
some of the less ambitious texts reveal the thinking that lay behind 
the programme. During the winter of 1563-64 Paulus published 
Sallust's Bellum Catilinae, under the Roman imprint, with an 
introductory letter from his son, Aldo the younger. The dedication 
was to the Jesuits. Nothing in his visit to Rome had so impressed 

69. RAIA 1562 (13): UCLA fasc. Illb no. 512. 

70. Nolhac pp. 282-83 =/'/EMno.l016, 20 July 1561. 


him, wrote Aldo, as the "dignity and order" of the new Jesuit 
college: he paid tribute to the work of Ignatius, and to the 
achievement of his successors in distant comers of the world; since 
he knew from his father that they had Sallust "constantly in their 
hands" and expounded his work to ever growing audiences, he 
was dedicating the edition to them. The dedication showed a 
shrewd business sense, as well as a commitment to humanist 
leaming as a weapon of religious revival. During 1551, its first 
year of teaching, the Jesuit college in Rome had enrolled 300 
students: by 1562 this figure had, indeed, risen to 900, by 1594 


to 1,500. A range of "safe" classics was to be placed at the 
disposal of a militant teaching order, and the unexciting reprints 
were an essential part of the wider religious programme. 

Almost buried among these now rather colourless ranks of 
uncontroversial reprints are a few strange relics. Perhaps they were 
intended as reminders of an earlier and more tolerant age of 
humanism: certainly they were included to defend or re-establish 
reputations, and were not thrown in by accident. The bibliography 
of Marcantonio Flaminio's Latin paraphrases of the Psalms can 
only be understood when one has followed the shifts in his 
reputation during the eighteen years that separate the two Aldine 
versions. A first edition appeared during 1545, setting the 272 
folios in the standard italic t>pe for literary texts, under a formal 
dedication to Cardinal Alessandro Famese. At that time Flaminio 
was a fashionable Latin poet in Cardinal Pole's household at 

71 . RAIA 1563 (16): UCLA fasc. mb no. 527. The titlepage carries the date 
1563, and Aldo's letter is dated 1 October 1563: the colophon is of 1564. On the 
rise of the Collegio Romano see P. Grendler, Schooling in Renaissance Italy - 
Literacy and Leaming 1300-1600, Johns Hopkins 1989, pp. 371-72. 


Viterbo, and the Beneficio di Chhsto, which he had helped to 
prepare for pubUcation about three years earlier, was a controver- 
sial but still recent tract to which only the best informed could 
attach authors' names. By the tune of Flaminio's death in 1550 
the Beneficio had run through five editions and become the main 
focus of alarm about the spread of Protestant ideas in Italy. Even 
if it never reached the total of 40,000 copies claimed for it by one 
contemporary, the fact that only one of those printed survived the 
purifying fires of the Inquisition gives an index of the fears which 
the book provoked. The witnesses called during Morone's trial in 
1557 linked the names of Flaminio and Benedetto da Mantova as 
co-authors, or author and editor: but already Pope Paul IV had 


declared that he would like to dig the dead poet up and bum hhn. 

Against this hostile background the official organ of the 
Catholic revival produced, during 1564, an extended and greatly 
improved version of Flaminio's work on the Psalms. The titlepage 
boasted that thirty new paraphrases had been added to the earlier 
edition. Flourishmg woodcut decorations in prominent upper 
margins and a range of ornamental capitals presented the book to 

12. RAM 1545 (1) and 1564 (2): UCLA fasc. Elano. 291, nib no. 528. For 
comment on the background see Carol Maddison, Marcantonio Flaminio, Poet, 
Humanist and Reformer, London 1965, pp. 152-53. 

73. For the text and related documents see Benedetto da Mantova, // 
Beneficio di Crista, con le versioni del secolo XVI - documenti e testimonianze 
a cum di Salvatore Caporetto, Florence: Sansoni 1972. For detailed if partisan 
comment, T. Bozza, Nuovi studi sulla Riforma in Italia - II Beneficio di Cristo, 
Rome: Edizioni di storia e letteratura 1976, esp. pp. 59-77 on early reactions. 
On Flaminio and the part of the Beneficio in Morone's trial see Firpo/Marcatto, 
ed., II processo inquisitoriale , cited under n. 30, above, vol. 1, pp. 185-87. On 
Benedetto, Collett, Benedictine Scholars and the Reformation, cited under n. 34, 
above, esp. pp. 156-85. 


the reader in a far more attractive style. Finally, the Vulgate text, 
absent from the 1545 edition, was printed above Flaminio's 
paraphrase to emphasise his scrupulous adherence to the estab- 
lished version. The new elements produced a book of 360 folios, 
88 longer than the first edition, and selling at 1 .5 lire.^'* Everything 
was designed to prove that the contents and the author were 
orthodox, acceptable, and even more elegant than readers had 
thought in the 1540s. Whether Cardinal Pole and Flaminio 
understood the implications of puhVishmg II Benejicio in the 1540s 
IS a debatable point: whether Paulus and his supporters under- 
stood the implications of reinstating Flaminio and Pole in the 
1560s is not. They can have had no possible doubt that they were 
reviving some aspects of the humanist programme associated with 
their deceased friends. 

The same kind of subtle publicity could be used to advertise 
the living as well as reinstate the dead. Very early in 1565 Paulus 
published as a separate edition, in small quarto format, a letter of 
congratulation to his Hungarian friend Andrea Dudith on his recent 
promotion from the bishopric of Knin to that of Pecs or Fiinf- 
kirchen. The content amounts to a condensed, laudatory biography 
whose details can be filled out from earlier correspondence. 

74. UCLA fasc. Dlb no. 528. Fols. *2r, *4v and Ir carry decoration in the 
upper margin. Fifteen ornamental capitals are used. The edition is quoted at 1 .5 
lire in the Stock book of Bernardo Giunti: UCLA Ms 170/622 (unpaginated - 
entry under "Libri in umanita" M.) 

75. Bozza, Nuovi studi, cited under n. 73, above, esp. pp. 111-12, argues 
forcibly that Pole and his entourage must have realised the implications of the 
Beneficio, and that they intended to reform the Church on Calvinist lines. The 
direction of the present study obviously makes it impossible for me to accept 
this conclusion. 


Dudith had been introduced to Pole's circle as a very young man, 
while the cardinal was in retreat at the Benedictine house of 
Maguzzano on Lake Garda, awaiting the turn of events in England 


as Edward VI sank towards his death in the early months of 1553 . 
Pole seems to have been attracted by Dudith' s personality and was 
probably interested in the potential of his mixed Italian and 
Hungarian background: he sent him to Paulus for tuition in Latin 
prose, and attached him as a secretary to his own legatine mission. 
It is another of those almost submerged episodes which reveals 
how close the identity of interest between the cardinal and the 
humanist had become. During the next few years Dudith visited 
France, Flanders and England, becoming thoroughly integrated in 


Pole's circle and as thoroughly steeped in humanist ideology. In 
1 5 5 8 he retumed to Padua and spent the next two years in an active 
if informal circle of classical philologists, while the inquisitors at 


Morone's trial pursed their lips over his uncertain loyalties. But 
the forces which brought Paulus to Rome and Pole's name back 
to favour restored Dudith' s fortune as well. When the Council was 

76. RAM 1564 (17): the edition is probably dated more Veneto, as 
Dudith was presented to Pecs on 9 February 1565: Eubel p. 298. The letter, 
PIEM no. 1157, can also be found in PMEL pp. 347-50, though Dudith's 
name has been asterisked for reasons that will be explained later. On Dudith's 
introduction to Pole see Pierre Costil, Aiidre Dudith, Humaniste Hongrois, 
1533-1589: sa Vie, son oeuvre et ses Kianuscrits Grecs, Paris 1935, pp. 60-62. 

77. PMLV fols. 38v-40r = PIEM nos. 513-14, both of 7 September 1553. 
Costil, Dudith, pp. 64-70. 

78. On this group see M. Antonii Mureti Epistolae ad Optimarum Editionum 
Fidem Accurate Editae, Lipsiae: ^ud Carolum Tauclinitium 1 838: further treatment 
in Costil, Dudith, pp. 80-100. On inquisitorial su^icion see Firpo/Marcatto, ed., // 
processo inquisitoriale, vol. 1 pp. 179, 236. 


recalled Emperor Ferdinand needed an eloquent, resilient, and 
above all polyglot representative to further his interests and keep 
Vienna informed of developments in Trent. The twenty-eight- 
year-old Dudith was raised to the bishopric of Knin in December 
1561, and played a vital role as intermediary between the legate 
Morone and Ferdinand as the fathers drafted their final decrees 
during the later months of 1563 7^ When he was promoted to the 
see of Pecs, Paulus obviously felt that it was tune to advertise his 
own, and Pole's, contribution to the rise of this promising young 
humanist, reformer and diplomat. Less than two years later he was 
regretting his decision: the letter is now one of the rarest of all 
Aldine editions. 

The last and strangest of these relics in the humanist pro- 
gramme of the 1560s was a mixed volume of prose and occasional 
verse, the works of an author rather appropriately named Pietro 
Bizzarri. Indeed the strangest aspect of the whole incident is that 
no one seems to have troubled, either in 1565 or since, to ask how 
or why the official press of the reformed Catholic Church came 
to handle such an edition. Flaminio and Dudith were the objects 
of rumour, innuendo and inquisitorial whispering. Bizzarri was a 
committed Lutheran who had fled to Germany by 1546 and joined 
the distinguished throng of continental exiles in Edwardian Eng- 
land by 1549. He was granted a fellowship of St John's College, 
Cambridge, where he got to know Bucer and Ochino: he moved 
in the staunchly Protestant circle of Francis Russell, earl of 
Bedford, an exile in Mary's reign and governor of the dangerous 
city of Berwick in the first years of Elizabeth's. Bizzarri seems to 
have followed the earl through it all. When he left England in 1564 

79. Eubel p. 333. Costil, Dudith, pp. 107-12. 


he did so to improve his fortunes, and on the understanding that 
he would supply information to Cecil. Over the next four years 
he sent almost weekly letters to London from Venice or Padua. 
The author who brought his manuscript to the publishing house 
in Venice early in 1565 came as a committed spy, as well as a 
known heretic. 

Neither Paulus nor his son was in Venice at the time, and 
they may perhaps have been unaware of the dispatches to London: 
even if they were informed of them, they may not have been very 
concerned. Bizzarri picked up little more than street-gossip about 
Turkish intentions or the names of Protestant suspects dragged 
before local inquisitors: it was far less sensitive than the informa- 
tion that Paulus himself had been passing to Cardinal Accolti 
twenty years earlier from his contacts within the Council of Ten. 
That Council, which dealt with all matters of public security and 
was at the height of its influence in Venetian public life, never 
troubled to investigate Bizzarri's activity. But in the printed 
text the author's loyalties were declared openly. There was a 
treatise on the duties of the just ruler, dedicated to the heretic 
queen Elizabeth herself there was a daring poem recommending 

80. Petri Bizzarri Varia Opuscula: RAIA 1565 (13): UCLA fasc. mb no. 
548. M. Firpo, Pietro Bizzarri, esule italiano del Cinquento, Turin 1971. N. 
Barker, "The Perils of Publishing in the Sixteenth Century: Pietro Bizzarri and 
William Parry, Two Elizabethan Misfits", in England and the Continental 
Renaissance: Essays in Honour of J. B. Trapp, ed. E. Chaney and P. Mack, Bury 
St. Edmunds 1990, pp. 125-41. 

81 . RLMpp. 319-21, Ep. CXH = PIEMno. 363, 2 January 1 543/44, Paulus 
to Benedetto Accolti, giving details of imperial offers to Venice. The 102 
dispatches from Bizzarri summarised in Calendar of State Papers - Venetian, 
are bland in comparison. 


the earl of Leicester to her as a consort; there were numerous 
complunents to different members of the Enghsh court. We have 
already seen evidence that the editorial programme as a whole was 
integrated, and we can watch Paulus planning in Rome the details 
of texts that were later published in Venice. It is possible, but only 
just possible, to believe that neither he nor Aldo noticed anything 
unusual in Bizzani's work. 

A commentator on the political overtones in Venice has 
conjectured, rather coyly, that the authorities were prepared to 
condone such covert activity now that contact through properly 
accredited ambassadors had been lost. On a religious level did 
Bizzarri perhaps fit into the fantasies of those like Galesinus and 
Zsambok, who dreamed of luring wanderers back into the Catholic 
fold through sheer force of argument and elegance of presentation? 
Was this little edition a mere windfall, or was it a calculated return 
to more liberal values, the first fruits of a massive work of 
humanist reconversion? 

We shall never know, for the problems discussed before the 
consistory which took the decision to call Paulus to Rome - mass 
desertion of the Church in France, nationalist discontent embit- 
tered by religious dissidence in the Low Countries - were soon 
flaring into open war that destroyed all chance of dialogue. And 
so the Aldine editions of the early 1560s have been absorbed into 
their broader, more polemical background, their humanist content 
ignored, and their significance for papal policy neglected. Yet the 
humanist bias is there - in the discussion of a polyglot Bible, in 

82. Varia Opuscula, fols. a2v (dedication to Elizabeth); 126r (Dudley 
"dignum principe"). Firpo, Bizzarri. p. 49, suggests that Pietro's activity in 
Venice was condoned. 


the choice of classical, patristic and modem texts, in the rhetoric 
and typography used to present them, and perhaps most of all in 
the critical method used to prepare them for the press. We have 
already looked at the pains taken by Morone and his supporters 
in choosing Pole's writings as the first works to be published and 
suggesting the points that should be emphasised in Paulus' 
introduction. The texts themselves exist in two versions, the first 
including a ten-line list of errata which are in some cases corrected 
by hand, and are removed entirely from the text of the second 



The first folio editions of the Decrees of the Council of Trent 
published in March and April 1564 present an even more striking 
case, which can be followed to the letter in the Ahmanson-Murphy 
collection. In the first version, twenty-nine passages were marked 
for correction by the secretaries of the Council Angelus Massarel- 
lus, Marcantonius Peregrinus, and Cynthius Pamphilus, whose 
signatures stand on the last folio. Some of the points they raised 
were matters of style: some were of greater substance, such as the 
passage in Chapter 103 where the introduction had been incorpo- 
rated in the main body of the decree, or that in 107 where 
"processibus" (cases) had been substituted for "precibus" 
(prayers). Twenty-seven of the twenty-nine were set right in the 
second version, the only exceptions being two grammatical points 
on which Paulus presumably felt that his judgement was better 
than that of the secretaries. The corrected text filled another 
nineteen folios. The critical accuracy of humanist scholarship, with 
its determination to grasp the original, was being applied to 

83. Biihler, "Paulus Manutius and his first Roman printings", cited under 
n. 60, above. 


providing the Church with that clarity and certainty which Hosius 
had found wanting in the divided theology of the Protestants.^"* 


Among the rolling platitudes of Paulus' published letters his 
intermittent but intense exchanges with his elder brother Manuzio 
stand in craggy isolation. They are unadomed, even abusive at 
times, frank to the point of indiscretion, and very detailed. Every 
topic from the writer's sore foot or the qualities of a newly 
purchased mare to the likelihood of Reginald Pole's being elected 
pope and making all their fortunes, was fair material for report or 
discussion. Paulus had no hesitation in demanding total inde- 
pendence from his elder brother's influence, then accusing him of 
ingratitude, or warning that new regulations might oblige him 
either to resign his benefice or become a priest. When their brother 
Antonio attempted to start on his own in Bologna, Paulus felt that 
he was "on the verge of madness and bankruptcy", and railed at 
Manuzio for failing to rush to his aid. The very bluntness of 
these letters adds significance to the language which Paulus used 
when he wrote to his brother during the summer of 156 1 . He hoped 
to end his life in Rome: their father's dream had come true at last: 
never had the fortunes of their family stood so high. Paulus was 

84. UCLA fasc. nib nos. 529a and 529b. Copy b is corrected in manuscript 
throughout, and signed by the secretaries on fol. 239v. A particularly fine 
working copy, with the extensive manuscript notes of a contemporary bishop, 
is preserved in the Saltykov-Shchedrin Library, St. Petersburg, Rare Books Vm 

85.i?ZA^e.g.pp. 1-3,7-8, 11-15, 19-23, 45^7= P/£A// nos. 355,443,481, 
492, 742. 


reporting to a close but rather unloved relative, not thanking or 
cultivating a patron. The contract, and all we have been able to 
reconstruct about its background, suggests that his appraisal was 
not unreasonable. Modem commentators are agreed that patronage 
was an essential component in the success of publishers like 
Estienne or Plantin, and no printer can have enjoyed more 
powerful or extensive patronage than Paulus in the early 
1560s.^^ Yet in less than four years, he was seeking permis- 
sion to return to Venice. What went wrong? 

Though the Aldine press remained in operation for more than 
a century, we rarely have any details of its financial state, and 
those details never build up a coherent picture. From the 1560s 
we have a number of documents relating to the structure of the 
business in Rome, including some of Cafano's accounts: the 
picture appears to be one of confusion, overspending, and uncer- 
tain cash-flow. This made it easy for Francesco Barberi to trace 
Paulus' difficulties and growing disillusion to matters of finance, 
and perhaps to overlook certain features of the wider scene which 
were either too obvious to be worth mentioning, or too uncertain 
to be worth investigating. First, the Manutius press continued to 
trade in Venice as well as in Rome. Though the exact link between 

86. RWa p. 55 = PIEMno. 1010, 17 May 1561 (determined to remain in 
Rome): pp. 61, 63 = PIEMno. 1021. 15 August 1561 (Aldus' dreams fulfilled, 
he can sleep peacefully): p. 67 = PIEMno. 1023, 8 September 1561 (reputation 
never so high). 

87. Robert Kingdon, "The Plantin Breviaries: a case study in the sixteenth- 
century business operations of a publishing house", Bibliotheque d 'Humanisme 
et de Renaissance 11, 1960, pp. 133-50. Elizabeth Armstrong, Before 
Copyright: the French Book-Privilege System 1498-1526, Cambridge Univer- 
sity Press 1990. 


the two operations is less clear than one would like, papal 
privileges were printed in Venetian editions, so it is at least plain 
that some of the advantages of the connection with the papacy 
could be transferred. Second, those advantages were potentially 
so tremendous that Paulus' evident reluctance to exploit them is 
something of a puzzle in itself Here the Ahmanson-Murphy 
document can help us again: its complicated background sug- 
gests there may have been other, more personal reasons behind 
Paulus' disappointment with the tum of events in Rome, and that 
some of his financial difficulties may have been of his own 

The patronage of other sixteenth-century princes such as 
Francis I or Philip II was a relatively simple matter of cash-grants 
to cover the cost of expensive new types, or of certain privileges 
within the existing market. It was then up to Robert Estienne to 
commission the best possible founts from Claude Garamonde, or 
to Christopher Plantin to provide new breviaries for the Spanish 
church, and make the most of a business-situation which their 
princes had made both favourable and demanding. Paulus' rela- 
tionship with the papacy was more complex. By accepting the 
Camera Apostolica as his paymaster as well as his patron, and 
its clerk Marsiglio Cafano as a regular member of his staff, he 
perhaps felt that he was sidestepping the day-to-day problems 
of business: in fact he was being edged imperceptibly into 
problems that far transcended business. Having undertaken to 
finance the press continuously, the papacy had to find the funds 
to do so: that involved the Manutius press in the budgets of the 
city of Rome and the Church, at a time when both were stretched 


by ambitious programmes of reorganisation and reconstruc- 



Though Paulus complained to Seripando on 15 July 1561, 
that the Treasurer was "holding onto his money more tightly than 
Hercules gripped his club", two payments of 1000 scudi were 
made on 23 July and 3 December of that year, and we can tell 
both from correspondence and from the accounts that no time was 
lost in exploiting them. On 9 August Paulus wrote to Muretus in 
Paris for a copy of Estienne's Greek type, and on 15 to his 
brother in Venice for matrices of the famous Aldine cursive, 
and a variety of other founts promised - some said with the 
ulterior motive of removing of a rival from Venice - by 
Tommaso Giunti. The quest must have been successful, for 
300 scudi were later dispatched to young Aldo to buy type-metal 
in Venice, and by the end of November payments were being 


made to the muleteers who had brought the types to Rome. 
This was the time of optimistic boasts about the family's 
reputation, and hopefiil planning of scholarly editions with local 
humanists. On 5 December - two days after the second large 

88. Same studies: see also C. Clair, Christopher Plantin, London 1960, pp. 
105-12: E. ArmsiTong, Robert Estienne, Royal Printer, Cambridge 1958 and 2nd 
ed., Sutton Courtenay Press 1986), pp. 52, 117-38. On Pius' public works see 
PIEM no. 1038 PA4EL pp. 319-21, and on his expenditure Hallman, Italian 
Cardinals, pp. 155-57. 

89. RAIA pp. 526-27, PIEM no. 1015 (Paulus from Rome to Seripando in 
Trent, 1 5 July 1 561 ): PogianiEpistolae, cited under n. 24, above, vol. 2 p. 362-63 
= PIEM no. 1019 (Paulus to Muretus from Rome, 9 Aug. 1561). The financial 
background can be traced in A. Lodolini, "La stamperia Vaticana e i suoi primi 
libri", Accademie e Biblioteche d 'Italia 7, 1933-34, pp. 154-61: summary in 
Barberi, Paolo Manuzio, cited under n. 9, above, pp. 36-45. 


payment - Paulus assured Giambattista Tito in Florence that all 
was now ready. 

It was no idle boast. By 11 February 1562 Paulus had 
printed 1,700 copies of Pole's De concilio and was ready to 
dispatch 220 of them -a copy for each member -to the fathers 
assembled in Trent. The generosity of these first large invest- 
ments no doubt accounts for the steady output of the next twenty 
months or so. TTie major theological texts containing the 
writings of Chrysostom, Theodoretus and Gregory of Nyssa 
were all ready by midsummer, or soon afterwards. Eighteen 
editions were printed in 1562, a fiirther fourteen in 1563, and it is 
interesting to find that, while the programme was running more 
or less as its supporters had intended, the proportion of printed 
pages devoted to theological material never reached even one third 
of the total produced in a single calendar year. The clause in the 
contract about "books of all kinds" was being taken to mean just 
what it said. Only towards the end of November 1563, when 
Cardinal Vitelli asked for 200 scudi per month to keep the presses 
active, did the financial officials wake up to the direction that the 
venture was taking. Vitelli, one of the four cardinals appointed to 
supervise the programme, wished to draw funds from the datio 
del vin -the city's levy on local sales of wine. The civic officials, 
whose own salaries happened to be drawn from the same source, 
objected that a single investment in a profitable business was one 
thing, but the continuing support of an experiment in which they 

90. PMEL Bk VI no. 8, pp. 319-21= P/fiU no. 1038. 

91 . A. Lodolini, "La stamperia Vaticana", p. 160. RAM p. 530 = PIEM no. 
\069, RLMIp. 366 = PIEMno. 1075: letters from Seripando, last dated 27 July, 
thanking him for the books. 


had no direct interest was quite another. Perhaps they were also 
beginning to realise that Pius IV 's private expenditure was running 
at something like ten times that of his unlamented predecessor. 
Bureaucratic delays restricted the subsidy over the next four 
months to 60 scudi per month, which was barely enough to meet 
the salaries of the editorial team, let alone buy the material to print 
anything. Paulus appealed desperately to Cardinal Da Mula on 14 
February, but not until 23 April 1564 was any sort of solution 
devised. At an elaborate and slightly theatrical conference the 
papal representatives wafted promises of a vast further investment 
of 10,000 scudi, and succeeded in tempting the civil authorities 
into accepting part-ownership of the press and a share of the profits 
with Paulus in return for the higher subsidy. 

Cafano's detailed records give out at the end of 1563, but on 
the face of things the rather contrived agreement of the following 
spring had the desired effect. The next twelve months were a time 
of intense activity, and should have been a time of prosperity. No 
fewer than thirty-two editions appeared under the Aldine imprint 
during 1564, matching totals which Paulus had approached only 
once before, in 1551, and which we can neglect only if we insist, 
as Barberi did, on regarding the Venetian and Roman operations 
as separate from one another. The closing of the Council of Trent 
and his privileged access to its officials allowed Paulus to publish 
twelve editions of its decrees in various different formats, to check 
them with the precision reflected in the secretaries' manuscript 

92. Letter to Da Mula in Nolhac pp. 276-77 = PIEM no. 1 163. Comment 
in E. Rodocanachi, The Roman Capitol in Ancient and Modem Times, transl. 
Frederick Lawton, London 1 906, pp. 1 75-82: Barberi, Paolo Kianuzio, pp. 48-54, 
and Doc. IV, pp. 169-71, 26 April 1564. 


corrections, and so to satisfy Cardinal Hosius' demand for a 
doctrinal clarity and certainty that would highlight the divisions 
of the Protestants. It is impossible to believe that, properly 
marketed, these volumes would not have enjoyed a success equal 
to that of Plantin's Breviaries at the end of the decade. 

The capacity taken up by canon law naturally depressed the 
proportion of theology to four editions, and 1101 printed leaves, 
less than one sixth of the total output. But safe classics and 
humanism continued to pour from the Venetian office, and the 
production of the two branches remained in exact balance: sixteen 


editions in Rome and sixteen in Venice. 

A good deal of this impetus was maintained into 1565. At 
eighteen editions covering 4349 folios overall production was 
being maintained above the average level of the 1540s and '50s. 
The counter-attack on Protestant scholarship continued in the first 
important volume of Jerome's Letters, and at the other end of the 
scale Bizzarri's unobtrusive but significant volume of prose and 
poetry appeared in Venice. Signs of something amiss begin to 
appear only in the latter part of the year. First, Paulus dispatched 
his wife and son back to Venice in a serious retreat from his resolve 
to "live and die in Rome". 

Next, on 1 1 August disgruntled representatives of the com- 
mune, nominal shareholders for the past fifteen months, com- 
plained that they had received no account of how their fiinds were 
being handled. Four months of evasion and mutual recrimination 
followed. Then the grumblers had their chance. The death of Pius 

93. The number of leaves printed (7007 as against 621 5) was higher in 1 551 
than in 1564, though the number of editions was only twenty-nine. See pp. 43-46, 
above, on the significance of the editions of Flaminio and Sallust. 


IV on 9 December 1565 created the usual opportunity for 
mayhem during an interregnum, and a deputation led by the 
jurist Luca Peto coldly requested Paulus to leave his comfort- 
able palazzo within the next five days. 

In his cautious reconstruction of the archival documents 
surrounding this episode, its sequel, and the financial weak- 
nesses it revealed, Francesco Barberi perhaps overlooked the 
two most curious features of the changed situation: that the 
papal authorities were now almost as desperate to keep Paulus 
in Rome as he was to leave, and that the total output of the 
Aldine press was reaching unprecedented heights. First came a 
series of public performances even more impressive than those 
of 1564. When the representatives of the commune came to pay 
their respects by kissing the feet of the new pope early in 
January 1566, Pius V kicked them aside bellowing "Get away, 
get away, and give Paulus Manutius his home again!" On 14 
March Paulus circulated an open letter to Cardinal Alessandro 
Famese, telling of his misfortunes and effectively challenging 
the great man to prove that thirty years of service to his family 
counted for something. On 3 May an entirely new contract was 
drawn up between Paulus and the citizens of Rome. It was still 
favourable -just how favourable we can tell by comparing it with 
the Ahmanson-Murphy document. Shifting the choice of texts 
from Paulus to the deputies may have cramped his freedom of 
action, but the correspondence of 1561 and 1562 makes it quite 
clear that he turned constantly to Seripando or Da Mula for 
advice and relied entirely on their chaplains. Luca Peto, one of 

94. The episode is described in detail in RLMI pp. 75-8 = PIEM no. 1251. 
Comment in Barberi, Paolo Mannzio, pp. 60-62. 


the deputies who had evicted Paulus in 1 5 65 , later contributed two 
works of his own, including a fine treatise on Roman measures. 
The demand for a full inventory of stock and equipment or for 
consolidated accounts, especially of the sale of the Council's 
Decrees, amounted to no more than a more precise definition 
of the arrangements appropriate to an organisation that had been 
in business for four years and to commercial opportunities 
which were becoming more defined and more demanding. The 
200 scudi per month subsidy, and Paulus' salary of 500 scudi 
per year, were both confirmed. The city was to find other suitable 
premises for him at its own expense. 

Barberi's whole view of the precarious financial state of the 
Manutius press in the 1560s is based on inference fi"om a few very 
finely focused documents rather than a precise reckoning of profit 
and loss, which is simply not available. It also has to face the 
uncomfortable realities of soaring output and commercial oppor- 
tunities which can hardly have been matched since the 1480s. In 
1566 even the records of 1551 were surpassed, as the Roman and 
Venetian branches between them produced twenty-two editions 
covering 7224 printed leaves. The Catechism, whose "question 
and answer" format would make it as vital to the Catholic 
reformers as it had been to their Protestant opponents, made its 
first appearance. In 1567 work started on the revised Breviary. 

95. Nolhac pp. 277-80, PIEA4no. 1260 (appeal to Famese). Barberi, Paolo 
MflMMzzo, Doc. VIIpp. 173-76,3May 1566 (new contract). See above, pp. 37-41, 
and notes, for Paulus' reliance on the advice of Seripando, Morone and their 
chaplains. Peto's works are De re iudiciana and De mensuris et ponderibus 
{RAJA 1567 [14] and 1573 [11]). 


These service books offered the Manutius press a commercial 
opportunity of staggering potential. Between 1500 and 1568 
normal wastage had created a demand for 107 editions of the 
Breviary from Venetian publishers alone. In 1566 Pius V declared 
all existing versions obsolete, and granted a universal monopoly 
of sales of the revised text, and of the Catechism, to Paulus 
Manutius. In theory, every religious institution and every bene- 
ficed priest in the Catholic world would be obliged to buy new 
copies of these essential books from Paulus, or from a conces- 
sionary who would pass some of the profit on to him. 

Yet during the later 1560s Paulus' correspondence reflects 
little save discontent and a desire to leave the city where, only 
four years earlier, he had hoped to end his life. When he asked 
Da Mula, Borromeo, and Sirletti for permission to return to 
Venice in January 1566, they would not even mention it to the 
pope. Even after the signing of the new contract, on 10 May, 
he still longed to get away. A year later, when work had already 
begun on the Breviaries, his temper had frayed still ftirther: after 
three meetings with Cardinal Morone and his colleagues in the 
course of a week he felt his brain spinning, and could only pray 
that half the leaves would not have to be redone. When the first 
soundings came from Christopher Plantin in the late summer of 
1567, asking for a share of the lucrative monopoly, Paulus 
reacted with something like a sigh of relief, for, as he wrote to 
his son "We cannot satisfy the huge demand". The truth, as 

96. UCLA fasc. nib nos. 552, 553. Grendler, i?oma« Inquisition, pp. 170-73. 
On the importance of the Catechism, see G. Parker, "Success and Failure during 
the First Century of the Reformation", Past and Present 136, 1992, esp. pp. 


Plantin realised, was that the Manutius press had never specialised 
in the delicate combination of red and black lettering required in 
the production of service books. Not one of those 107 earlier Venetian 
editions had been printed by Aldus or his son. Paulus was being 
confronted with a task which he had not expected, for which he 


had no training, and in which he had little professional interest. 

Paulus' sense of failure may have stemmed less from financial 
difficulties than fi-om the disappointment of the high intellectual 
hopes with which he had come to Rome. The reappearance of the 
Ahmanson-Murphy contract, and the reconstruction of its back- 
ground, enable us to see how complete the change of direction 
had been and how traumatic it must have been. It was natural to 
assume that the programme of the 1560s was "all of a piece", and 
that the new service-books, if not specifically mentioned in earlier 
documents, were so obvious and so lucrative a prospect that they 
must have been in everybody's mind from the start. In reality, 
Paulus came to Rome to implement a humanist counter-attack on 
the Protestant predominance in Biblical and patristic scholarship. 
The correspondence of the early 1560s leaves no doubt of the 
principal aim that Paulus and his supporters were pursuing: they 
hoped, like every Christian humanist since the time of Aldus the 
elder and Cardinal Ximenes, to print a polyglot Bible. Setting the 
ancient versions side by side had fascinated scholars long before 

97.RLMrpp.l5-]00 = PIEMnos. 1251, 1269, 1314, 1333. Christophe Plantin, 
Correspondance, publiee par Max Rooses, S/iaatschappij der Antwerpsche Biblio- 
philen Uitgave, 8 vols., 1883-1918, Tom. 1 p. 195 (Plantin to Cardinal Granvelle, 5 
June 1 567, hoping to print Breviaries): Tom. 2 p. 37 (undated, commenting on poor 
presswork of 1568 Manutius Breviary). On statistics for the production of breviaries 
see Grendler, Roman Inquisition, p. 170. 


the Reformation: by the 1560s, dislodging the tainted version of 
Erasmus and Froben had become a matter of urgency, for it lay 
behind the translations of Luther, Castellio and Tyndale. The 
second line of the contract drew attention to "the Holy Scriptures", 


and its supporters took that allusion seriously. 

The fate of the project remains something of a mystery. It 
seems to have suffered at first from the sheer enthusiasm of its 
partisans and their inability to agree on a common editorial 
strategy. The ink can hardly have been dry on the contract before 
Otto Truchses, prince-bishop of Augsburg, shared with the legate 
Hosius his hope that the Bible would be the first task which Paulus 
undertook. Likely editors were soon being identified and ap- 
proached: Guglielmo Sirleto, an old protege of Seripando, would 
handle the Greek text and Gabriele Faemo, one of the best Latin 
codicologists of the century, would be responsible for the Latin 
Vulgate. By early November, Seripando hoped to see the new 
Bible in print "by next Christmas". He was either thinking of 
Christmas 1562, or chasing a wild humanist fantasy, for as the 
fathers assembled in Trent during the autumn, "other matters", 
such as Bullinger's attack on the whole theory of conciliar 
responsibility, pressed themselves on his attention: Pole's tract on 

98. J. Bentley, Humanists and Holy Writ: New Testament Scholarship in 
the Renaissance, Princeton University Press 1983. 

99. See n. 59, above, for Truchses' comment Alfredo Marranzini, "Gugli- 
elmo Sirleto e Girolamo Seripando: due amici nella Chiesa del Cinquecento", 
in // Cardinale Guglielmo Sirleto (1514-85), Atti del Convegno di Studio del IV 
Centenario della Morte (5-6-7 ottobre 1986), a cura di Leonardo Calabretta e 
Gregorio Sinatora, Istituto di scienze religiose di Catanzaro-Squillace 1989, pp. 
85-86. Correspondence between Paulus and Seripando is collected iniL4Z,4 pp. 
528-32, PffiMnos. 1040, 1073, 1075, 1080. 


councils, or patristic texts dealing with the controversial issue of 
virginity, demanded more immediate publication. Not until 
midsummer, 1562, was the matter of the Bible raised again. 
Then it supplied one part of a general complaint from Paulus 
that "results were not living up to intentions, or to the good 
will of his Holiness". At a soiree. Cardinal Da Mula had demanded 
an end to polemical trivia and a retum to common Christian principle: 
amid general acclamation, he insisted that the polyglot Bible must 
be the first priority and urged Paulus to raise the matter with 
Seripando again. This time progress was mired in a debate over 
means. Paulus and Da Mula were certain that they had enough 
manuscript authority and editorial skill in Rome. Seripando was 
equally certain that they should first collate their text with a Bible 
in Urbino, "the most beautiful he had ever seen, and in all the 
languages". His memory seems to have been merging different 
images into one: the ducal library of Urbino has several beautiful 
Bibles in the various ancient languages, but none that matches 
Seripando's description. Conftision bred fiirther delay: the Council 
was at a critical phase; Sirleto was suffering from fainting fits, 
and by March of the following year Seripando was dead. As late 
as September 1563, payments were made in Ferrara for the 
purchase of Hebrew matrices, so the scheme must have remained 
alive for at least a year after Da Mula's soiree, and the exchange 
of letters between Paulus and Seripando. Admirers of the Com- 
plutensian Polyglot or Plantin's Antwerp Bible should remember 
that both projects had their roots in the Aldine workshop. 

100. For Seripando's anxiety about Bullinger see Jedin, Seripando, cited 
under n. 61, above, Vol 1 pp. 632-33, Ep. 51, to Morone, 4 August \56\. RAIA 
pp. 531-32, on Da Mula's soiree and Seripando's hopes of the Urbino Bible. 


The whole tone of Paulus' letter to Seripando, with its 
complaint of "results failing to match intentions", suggests these 
delays over the polyglot Bible may have been part of a wider 
disappointment. In 1561, when he boasted to Manuzio of realising 
the dreams of their father, Paulus had probably pictured his 
residence in Rome as the resort of a team of scholars whose 
expertise and dedication would re-create the by now almost 
legendary Aldine circle of the 1500s. Something of the kind might 
well have happened, and it was largely a matter of ill-luck that it 
did not. The French Latinist Marcantoine Muret, one of the 
principal Aldine editors of the 1550s during his spell of teaching 
in Venice and Padua, had joined the entourage of Cardinal Ippolito 
D'Este and was well established in the French legation at Rome 
by 1560. Then the cardinal was named papal legate to France. 
Muret left Rome just as Paulus arrived, in midsummer 1561. 
During the later 1550s the most constructive critic of Muret 's ideas 
and Paulus' texts had been Gabriele Faemo, a rather abrasive 

C. Stomajolo, Codices Urbinates Graeci Biboliothecae Vaticanae Descripti De- 
scripti, (Romae ex typographeo Vaticano 1895), pp. 3-13, describes no single 
manuscript that seems to fit Seripando's description. His emphasis on "beauty" 
points to the Urbino Bible of 1476-8 (Bibl. Apostolica Vaticana, Ms. Urb. Lat. 
1-2): see Annarosa Garzelli, La Bibbia di Federigo di Urbino (Rome 1 977): but 
the allusion to 'all languages' suggests the Volterra Bible (Vat. Ms. Urb. Ebraicus 
1) or the Xnth-century Greek Testament (Vat. Ms. Urb. graecus 2). See // libro 
della Bibbia: esposizione di manoscritti e di edizioni a stampa della Biblioteca 
Apostolica Vaticana dal secolo III al secolo XVI (1972), Nos. 56, 84, 117. 
Lodolini, "La stamperia Vaticana", p. 1 58, for the reference to Hebrew matrices. 
I am grateful to Cecil Clough for his advice throughout this section. 

101. C. Dejoh, Marc-Antoine Muret: Un Professeur Frangais en Italic dans 
la seconde moitie du XVf siecle, Paris 1881, pp. 149-52. 


bon-viveur with a sharp eye for the age of manuscripts. Paulus 
quickly enlisted his help with the text of Cyprian: but Faemo died 
at the end of 1561, the victim, it was said, of over-indulgence at 
the hospitable pope's dinner parties. Paulus got no more from him 
than a posthumous edition of Aesop's Fables. Because of his 
fainting fits Guglielmo Sirleto was unable to give much more than 
moral support. Nicholaos Sophianos, a copyist, calligrapher and 
designer of Greek type whose experience went back to the time 
of Lascaris and was still active in Padua during the 1550s, was 


reported by Andrea Dudith to be dying in the autumn of 1562. 
Next spring came the loss of Seripando, with all his influence in 
literary and ecclesiastical life. It is not very surprising that the 
great new works of scholarship which Paulus had planned with 
Fulvio Orsini either failed to appear or appeared, like Denis 
Lambin's very important edition of Horace, as reprints of texts 
first published elsewhere. 

Paulus' reaction to this run of misfortunes was to link his name 
more and more closely to that of the rising star, Andrea Dudith, 

102. B. L. Add. Ms. 10266, fols. 109-10, (description of Bibl. Ap. Vat. Ms. 
Lat. Basilicanus H.25 of Cicero, Philippics): P/Mpp. 96-104, 161-3 = PIEMno. 
Ill, 1047 (criticism of Muret's text of Terence, and death); RAJA p. 528 = PIEM 
no. 1037 (work on Cyprian): UCLA fasc. nib, nos. 540 and 540a (paraphrase 
of Aesop). For an assessment of his scholarship see A. Grafton, Joseph Scaliger, 
a Study in the History of Classical Scholarship 1, OxfordAVarburg 1983, pp. 

103. RLS/O p. 368 = PIEM no. 1091 (Sophianos dying): W. Pettas, 
"Nikolaos Sophianos and Greek Printing in Rome", The Library, Fifth Series 
29 no. 2, 1974, pp. 206-13. Jedin, Seripando, Vol 1 p. 629, Ep. 48, 29 March 
1560 (Sirleto with fainting fits). 

104. UCLA fasc. Hlb no. 558. 


once Pole's secretary, his own pupil, and a very active member 
of the Paduan circle of the 1550s. He was "laden with honours in 
his own country, and dear to the emperor", even before the politics 
of the Council made him the vital link between Vienna and Trent. 
His speeches were copied and circulated. It seemed certain that 
his promotion to the see of Pecs would be a step on the ladder to 
a cardinalate, and that he would soon return to Rome with valuable 
scholarly contacts north of the Alps and an influence in church 
and state that might replace that of Seripando. When Paulus 
published his letter of congratulation to Dudith on 1 January 1564, 
it was a gesture of publicity as calculated as his appeal to 
Alessandro Famese two years later. 

What followed has an air of tragi-comedy. It is the more 
important to remember that the issues of clerical celibacy and 
communion in both kinds had been among the most delicate 
handled by the Council precisely because it was these on which 
the imperial authorities had been most anxious to seek some kind 
of a compromise. The long petition from Vienna which Dudith 
had to present during May and June of 1562 had argued that 
marriage of priests was not forbidden by divine law, and that too 
intransigent an attitude would force valuable pastors into the 
Protestant camp against their own wishes. It seemed that the 
emperor's representative practised what he preached. By the 
spring of 1564, rumours were circulating that he himself was seen 
too frequently in feminine company. For a time, he managed to 
carry it off with beery guffaws, ribald digs of his elbow in the 
appropriate ribs, and assurances that "she was his mistress, not 

105. PMEL pp. 289-91 = PIEMno. 1000. 


his wife". By the end of 1565 it was clear that this could not be 
the whole story. By 1567, Dudith was married and estranged from 
the Catholic church, having, in Paulus' eyes, sacrificed his fortune 
and his soul to lust. He could well have seen himself as a 
personification of the very fear which the petition fi^om Vieima 
had expressed.^ ^ 

The timing could not possibly have been more embarrassing. 
From Dudith, now an apostate by his own choice, a potential trail 
of suspicion led back to his protector Cardinal Pole, and so 
outwards to the writers of the Beneficio di Christo, to earlier 
apostates like Ochino, and to the heresiarch Calvin who had been 
their inspiration. Morone, chief signatory of Paulus' contract and 
legate to the Council during its concluding stages, had been in 
prison under suspicion of heresy less than five years earlier, largely 
because of his association with Pole. Hardly had the statutes of 
the Council and the revised index of prohibited books been 
published during the summer of 1564 than Paulus found himself 
involved in a wearisome exchange of letters with a Neapolitan 
poet named Fomarius: he needed to read the ancient astronomers, 
but had been forbidden to do so by his bishop for five years past; 
as the official publisher, could Paulus tell him whether the new 
canons permitted it or not? Cautious instructions and renewed 
queries, each shrouded in more arcane allusions, shuttled to and 
fi"o for the next seven months. At the end of the year came the 

106. The imperial petition is reproduced in Concilium, pp. 661-85, the 
issue of clerical marriage being highlighted on pp. 615-11. See Costil, Andre 
Dudith, cited under n. 76, above, pp. 107-23: B. L. Add. Ms 12207, fols. 4-6: 
letters from Petrus Perpinianus to Paulus, unknown to Pastorello, 4 November 
1 565, 3 1 March 1 566, describing Dudith's efforts to conceal his marriage. RLMI 
p. 103, Ep. ]X=PIEM no. 1336. 


election of Fra Michele Ghislieri as Pope Pius V. A Dominican 
by vocation and Grand Inquisitor under Paul IV, he had played a 
leading role in imposing that pope's ferocious index on the 
Venetian booksellers. It is not altogether sup rising that Paulus' 
mind had not been on his accounts during the summer months of 

Paulus reacted to Dudith's apostacy with a defensive display 
of orthodoxy. He succeeded in destroying almost all the copies of 
his letter of congratulation, of which only one survives in the 
Biblioteca Trivulziana of Milan. In the early autumn of 1565 he 
attempted to form safer associations by cultivating the Franciscan 
General Clement De Olera or Dolera, a protege of Paul IV and 
author of a rigorous Compendium of Theology. Whether there was 
ever, in the strict sense, an Aldine edition of this work, remains 
uncertain. Renouard accepted it on the strength of a preface 
included in the later collections, but evidently without seeing a copy 
of the woric itself There is no allusion to any such edition in the 
stock-lists of the later 1560s, and Barberi was unable to find the book 
in any Roman library. Paulus may have been content to link himself 
as closely to Dolera as he could by writing a preface for Blado's 
edition and using it to advertise his approval of the sections on 
celibacy and sin. Whether or not there was an Aldine edition, the 
timing was obvious. During the same month, September, Paulus was 
inquiring anxiously through fiiends about Dudith's conduct, and two 
of the replies he received from the Jesuit Perpinianus in Lyons evaded 
the eye of Pastorello. The dates of the two letters - 3 November 1565 
and 31 March 1566 - prove that the gossip over Dudith's apostacy 

107.PiWpp.225-27,233:FA^Lpp. 353-5 =PZEMnos. 1171, 1174, 1178, 
1 197, 1 199. On Ghislieri, see Grendler, Roman Inquisition, esp. pp. 1 1 5-27. 


was reaching a crescendo just as the future of the press approached 

1 OX 

its crisis in the autumn of 1565. 

Paulus' correspondence suggests that these months were a 
kind of watershed. Throughout 1567 and 1568 his letters to young 
Aldo, now branch manager in Venice, become more frequent and 
acquire the informal, informative quality once shown in the letters 
to Manuzio. The poor prospects in Rome, even with two presses 
at work on Breviaries, provide a constant theme. Such pessimism 
makes little sense against a broader background: hence the 
uneasiness of Renouard and Barberi. Between 1484 and 1488, 
when the impact of printing was still in its early stages, sales of 
the Breviary, the Missal and the Office of the Virgin had accounted 
for 14.5% of Francesco da Madiis' sales in Venice. Apart from 
the 107 Venetian editions we have already mentioned, there had 
been 63 Parisian and 62 Lyonnais versions of the Breviary up to 
the time of Paulus' monopoly. ^^^ Plantin made his fortune from 
supplying Spain and its dependencies with the new version 
under a privilege derived from the monopoly enjoyed by the 
Manutius press. But against the closer, more personal back- 
ground Paulus' misery can be better understood. As Plantin 
rightly saw, Paulus did not have the expertise to print office 
books. Whether he was dealing with Plantin, his own son Aldo, 
or other Italian associates, Paulus seems aways to have been 
more anxious to delegate the responsibility than to exploit its 

108. RAIA 1565 (5). The letter is printed in Pauli Kianutii Praefationes, 
1580, pp. 123-25, Sept. 1565. See also the citation from B. L. Add. Ms 12207 
under n. 106, above. On Dolera see Eubel p. 36. 

109. RLM^. 100 = PIEMno. 1333, Paulus to Aldo, 27 September 1567. On 
statistics for the production of breviaries see Grendler, Roman Inquisition, p. 170. 


potential . He was slow even to respond to suggestions which were 
to his own obvious advantage, such as the naming of an agent to 
whom Plantin could send copies to be sold on Paulus' behalf. 
Paulus had seen himself not as a craftsman presenting a purified 
liturgy but as a scholar coordinating a humanist revival. That 
vision evaporated during the winter of 1565, with the defection 
of Andrea Dudith, and the last dispersal of the dreams that had 
floated around the original summons to Rome, and those 
associated with it. 


To Paulus, the entire venture in Rome was a disaster. What had 
begun in 1562 as a vague fear that actions were not living up to 
intentions had by 1568 become a sullen reckoning that six years 
work had not brought him 3000 scudi profit. This gave later 
generations their cue to speak of "lukewarmness and indiffer- 
ence", to emphasise the intellectual barrenness of the programme 
that Paulus was supposed to implement, and to linger on his failure 
to take advantage even of the monopoly that he was supposed to 
enjoy. Association of ideas soon drew in issues far more important 
than the fortunes of a single publishing house and made Paulus' 
gloom a symptom of more widespread intellectual malaise. Coin- 
ciding with the evident "triumph of the Inquisition", the decline 
of the Aldine press encouraged historians to focus their interpre- 
tations of the Catholic revival on the control of opinion rather than 
on any scholarly commitments which that control might have 
involved. The discipline of the new orders, the stricter organisation 

110. Plantin, Correspondance, cited under n. 97, above, vol. 2 pp. 100, 107. 


of the dioceses, the encouragement of popular devotion through 
new saints' lives and old imagery, pushed their way to the centre 
of attention. The liberal ideals of Erasmus' time retreated to the 
margin. Only very recently has the press been mentioned again as 
a factor in establishing the moral and intellectual certainty for which 
Hosius and Seripando longed. By raising questions about the nature 
of Paulus' mission in Rome and his own view of it, the Ahmanson- 
Murphy document raises questions about much else besides. 

Above all, the document and its background emphasise the 
respect and fear with which the press was regarded by leaders on 
all sides of the religious conflict. My preliminary work on this 
essay was already complete when George Fletcher kindly sent me 
transcripts of six letters from a manuscript in the Beinecke Library 
of Yale, all of them addressed by Paulus to Cardinal Rodolfo Pio, 
and all dealing with earlier and fruitless efforts to establish the 
Manutius press in Rome. Three of the six, including the most 
important, were known to Pastorello: but they only make sense as 
a group, and in the light of the contract with Pius IV. Paulus 
sounded out Cardinal Rodolfo in May 1555 on the chances of 
persuading the newly elected Pope Paul IV to bring him to Rome 
either as a scholar, a publisher, or both. Perhaps he still thought 
of Pope Paul as the founder of the Theatine order, friend of 
Reginald Pole, and reformer of the 1520s and '30s. Rodolfo, not 

111. Barberi, Paolo Manuzio, pp. 9-10, 83-84: Grendler, Roman Inquisition, 
pp. 169-74. 1 am following Grendler's account in all respects except Paulus' lack of 
interest in the office-books. On the wider liistorical context see citations under nn. 
27 and 38: B. Cecchetti, La Repuhlica di Venezia e la Corte di Roma nei rapporti 
delta religione, 2 vols., Venice 1874; A. G. Dickens, The Counter Reformation, 
London 1968; Parker, "Success and Failure...", cited under n. 96. 


very surprisingly in the light of his more recent acquaintance with 
the new pontiff, gave no encouragment: so almost exactly a year 
later Paulus tried to raise the stakes by listing the number of tempting 
offers he had received from elsewhere and obliquely warning that 
the most recent was one that "he could not reasonably refuse". The 
proposal had come on the 19th of May from a secretary of the 
Elector Palatine, and since he enclosed a copy of the terms with 
his letter, Paulus must have thought the negotiations were serious. 
He said nothing about the Elector as a person, except that he was 
interested in commissioning an ecclesiastical history: perhaps he 
knew little, since Otto Heinrich had succeeded to the electorate 
only a few months earlier, and died in 1 559. Cardinal Pio is unlikely 
to have shown such unconcem. He was an experienced diplomat, 
with access to the relevant correspondence. If he did reply to Paulus, 
it was probably to warn his old family retainer that any invitation 
from the pope was now more likely to end him in the dungeons of 

1 12 

the inquisition than in some pleasant scholarly sinecure. 

Throughout the early summer of 1556 the dispatches of the 
papal nuncio from Munich and Vienna were touching up the 
details of Otto Heinrich's costume as the new Protestant ogre. 
Within a month or so of his accession, he had thrown down images, 
destroyed altars, and forced his subjects to accept his heresies, at 
sword-point if necessary: he was the most deadly enemy of the 

\U.PIEMm. 1333, no. 64\,PMpp. 66-69,23 May 1556 (Beinecke Ms 
Yale 692). Since I have not seen the original I refer those interested in the precise 
manuscript references to George Fletcher's forthcoming study ("Paulus Manu- 
tim in aedibus Populi Romani: the campaign for Rome" Aldus Manutius and 
Renaissance Culture: International Conference in Honor of Dr. Franklin 
Murphy [forthcoming]). My debt to him is as obvious as it is great. 


pope and the Catholic Church ahve anywhere in the German- 
speaking lands; he was fast becoming the ideological leader of a 
Protestant alliance more dangerous and committed than the 
Schmalkaldian League itself, even though it was still unarmed. 
The new Lutheran leaders were showing a skill with intellectual 
propaganda that the nuncio Dolphin found especially alarming. 
The duke of Saxony was said to have poured 30,000 gulden 
into new endowments at the University of Wittenberg. Religious 
propaganda in Latin, German, and even Italian was nothing 
new: but now polemical works in French, Spanish, and Slavonic 
were pouring off the presses as well. There was substance 
behind the nuncio's fears. From its very beginnings the Protestant 
movement had flaunted its reliance on the printed book, and 
showed enormous versatility in exploiting it. In the 1530s Geneva 
was a provincial town which saw the publication of barely forty 
editions in eight years: by 1562 it was an intemational centre which 
turned out sixty-nine in twelve months. In the same year, most of 
the presses in the city were coordinated to produce 27,400 copies 
of Beza's translation of the Psalms for distribution throughout 
France in one of the most intensive missionary efforts of the 
century. This wave was gathering force as the Elector Palatine 
approached Paulus and the nuncio Dolphin penned his anxious 
dispatches: if the Manutius press could be tempted into the 
Protestant camp as well, the reformed churches would have a 

1 13. Nuntiaturberichte aus Deutschland nebst ergdnzenden Actenstucken, 
herausgegeben ciurch die Preussische Archiv-Verwaltung, 17 vols., Gotha/ 
Tubingen 1892-1970, vol. 17, 1970, pp. 212, 219, 235, 245, 267-68. 

114. P. Chaix, Recherches sur I'lmprimerie a Geneve de 1550 a 1564: 
Etude Bibliographique, Economique et Litteraire, Geneva 1978 ed.: Kingdon, 
"The Plantin Breviaries", cited under n. 87, above. 


virtual monopoly of scholarly publishing. It is not surprising to 
find Cardinal Hosius complaining that academic texts had now to 
be bought from Protestant publishers. 

And so we stumble, almost unconsciously, across another 
feature in the intellectual history of the Counter-Reformation 
which the new document restores to our attention: the importance 
of classical leaming as a kind of no-man's land which Protestant 
and Catholic scholars fought to control, but where they could also 
meet in surprising amity. Several of Paulus' future supporters - 
Morone and Otto Truchses among them - were mentioned or 
addressed in the dispatches which picked out the horrifying profile 
of Otto Heinrich. Whether or not Paulus realised what kind of 
ecclesiastical history he would be expected to write for the Elector, 
the stress placed in the first Roman publications of the Aldine 
press on early Christian history, and the heroic resistance of the 
Church to both persecution and heresy, make a striking response 
to the threat concealed in the Elector's offer. In 1550 Calvin 
himself had crowed over Robert Estienne's migration from Paris 
to Geneva: but three years later Robert's son Henri was able to pass 
unmolested between Rome, Florence, and Venice, protected by his 
father's giant reputation as a Hellenist and recommended by Cardinal 
Mafifei as "a learned young man of agreeable disposition, thoroughly 
worthy of your lordship's acquaintance". In 1555 Paulus himself 
published Henri's edition of the Greek bucolic poets under a 
dedication to the humanist nuncio Giovanni della Casa. This is 

115. A.-L. Herminjard, Correspondance des Reformateurs dans les Pays 
de la Langue Frangaise, 9 vols., Nieuwkoop 1966-69, vol. 9, pp. 309-16. On 
Henri Estienne's visit to Italy see B. L. Add. Ms 10275, fols. 178f. His edition 
of Bion and Moschus is RAIA 1555 (10), UCLA fasc. IDa, no. 421. 


an area of the Catholic revival where there is still profound 
disagreement and ample scope for research. Was any common 
ground left between the reformed and Catholic faiths by the time 
of the last meetings at Trent, and just how rapidly had it narrowed 
over the previous decades? Did Paulus simply fail to notice 
Bizzarri's little poems from the court of the English Jezebel? Or 
did those poems form part of a wider strategy, along with the 
revised edition of Flaminio and Pole's treatise on the powers of a 
council? If so, what was that strategy? Can it, in retrospect, give 
us a clearer idea of what Flaminio and the other members of Pole's 
circle had in mind when they prepared Beneficio di Crista 
crocefisso for publication? Sweeping dismissals of questions like 
these are no longer convincing, and until the relevant texts have 
been thoroughly examined in the light of all contemporary 
correspondence we are not likely to reach the more delicately 
shaded answers which we need. 

The outbreak of civil war in France in 1562 did far more to 
stem the flow of Protestant propaganda than the ideological 
counterattack for which Hosius, Seripando, and Paulus had hoped. 
One of the main Genevan booksellers, Laurent de Normandie, still 
had 8,356 copies of the Psalms on his inventory at the time of his 
death in 1569, and by 1571 Geneva's total production had slumped 
to 19 works. In the long run, Laurent had more reason to give way 
to sullen despondency than Paulus Manutius. Paulus had plainly 
hoped for a humanist revival in Rome: his letters to Rodolfo Pio 
leave no doubt of that. But though the classical and patristic 
editions of the early 1560s were fewer than intended, the critical 
methods applied in them show Catholic theologians arming 


themselves with the weapons once used against them and reoccu- 
pying the high ground of scholarship that they had lost almost half 
a century earlier. The link between the Manutius press and the 
papacy played its part in shifting the balance of prestige, and 
though the triumph of the polyglot Bible was eventually celebrated 
by Plantin, the plans were made in Rome. The carefiilly corrected 
decrees of the Council were the first step towards that certainty 
of dogma which was reinforced at different levels by the new 
service books, the catechisms, and the "safe" classics. All played 
their part in creating a better-educated clergy at each diocesan 
seminary, and dispatching its members to their parishes with a 
clear message for the schools which they were now required to 
address each Sunday. It is significant that one of Paulus' main 
supporters was Carlo Borromeo, whose reform of clerical educa- 
tion in the diocese of Milan became a model of speed and 
efficiency. Much of this success lay too far in the fiiture to lighten 
Paulus' gloom in the later 1560s. But the single, rather tattered 
folio in the Ahmanson-Murphy collection reveals the more distant 
aims of the campaign and suggests that Paulus' role in it may have 
been more unportant than he realised. Setting his Roman editions 
in the context of his whole publishing programme, and setting that 
programme against the wider background of the Counter-Refor- 
mation, are responsibilities that neither bibliographers nor histo- 
rians can shrug off any longer. 


Transcription of the Contract 

Desiderando la S.^di N. S/^ per honor et seruitio della S.^ sedia 
ap.*^^ et a beneficio, et util pub'^^ di condur' in Roma una stampa, 
dalla quale escano libri ben corretti et emendati cosi della sacra 
scrittura come d'ogn' altra sorte, massime in questi tempi che le 
stampe si truouano in molti luoghi corrotte dagli heretici, et 
hauendo desegnato di dame la cura a m. Pauolo manutio al pnte 
habitante in Venetia, De qui e che la R. Cam.^ aplica, per ordine 
espresso, et in nome di su s.^ da Vna banda, Et il prefato m. Pauolo, 
et per lui il molto R. Mons. Antonio Vescouo di Caserta suo procur' 
dair altra banda, si conuengano nel modo che siegue, cio e / 

Che la detta Cam/^ conduce il p. ° m. Pauolo all' Impresa et 
gouemo della detta stampa p anni dodici pross.' da uenire comm- 
ciando il p.'"" giomo di Maggio pross .°, con prouisione de scudi 
Cinquecento d'oro I'anno, da essergli pagati di sei in sei mesi 
inanzi tratto, la qual s'intenda cominciar' a correr' al detto giomo 
primo di Maggio proGs ", per il pagameto della q^le essa Cam.^ gli 
debba dar un assignameto buono sufficiente et esigibile et far' con 
effetto che su' s.^ tra un mese poi che esso m. Pauolo sara arriuato 
in Roma a conto della medema prouisione gli dara un Caualerato 
Pio, qual debba esser mesto nella persona del figliuolo del p. ° m. 
Pauolo del pn'te mese presente / 

Item che la detta Cam/" gli debba far' pagare ad ogni 
beneplacito suo 6 del detto Mons. di Caserta suo proc'are scudi 
trecento simili, quali habbino da essere per le spese del condur' 
se et la Famiglia sua da Venetia a Roma / 


Item che la detta Camera a sue spese gli debba tener' pagata 
per tutto il detto tepo d'amii xii una casa competente alia detta 
stampa, et capace della sua fameglia et Ministri che per conto 
d'essa stampa si haueranno a tenere / 

Item che il detto m. Pauolo debba hauer' la cura generale di 
cio che apperterra non solo alia stampa ma ancora alia uendita de 
libri [stampati qui da lui add. Morone] I 

Item che la detta Camera debba prouedere al detto m. Pauolo 
primamete delli danari da spendersi nel apparato gnale della nuoua 
stampa per quanti torcoli piacera a su s.^ secondo I'ordine ch' 
esso m. Pauolo giudichera esser necess° et dippoi debba souenire 
di quanto giomm ^ bisognera nel corso dell' Impresa, come in carte 
et alte cose necessarie, salarii di lauoranti, di correttori, oltre la 
persona d'esso m. Pauolo et d' altri Ministri et bisogni, le quali 
cose tutte debbano esser' elette et regolate per pmdente et buon' 
consiglio del detto m. Pauolo / 

Item che se per guerra 6 peste 6 per qual si uoglia altro 
Imp e dim e nto imp^sato accidente, che Dio non uoglia, eccetto che 
non fusse per defetto suo, la detta stampa si fermassi, non di meno 
debba sempre correre et pagarsi al detto m. Pauolo la detta prouisione 
sino alia fine delli detti anni dodici, ne sotto qual si uoglia reuocatione 
6 sospensione s' intenda esser compresa / 

Et di rincontro II detto m. Pauolo si debba per il detto effetto 
metter' in uiaggio per Roma come prima gli sia prouisto delli detti 
scudi trecento per le spese d'esso Viaggio, et seruir' li detti anni 
xii secondo la forma di questi cap. ' / 

Item che il detto m. Pauolo debba gouemar' la detta impresa 
lealmente et con quella fede et diligenza che si richiede / 


Item conuengano che la detta Cam." debba a sue spese tener' 
appresso appresso al detto m. Pauolo un cassiero per man del quale 
si habbia da sborsare il danaro per Funiuersal bisogno della detta 
stampa, et nelle cui mano debba uenir' tutto il ritratto delli libri 
che alia giomata si uenderano, il q^le di tutto debba tener' conto 
diligentemente. Et perche la detta Impresa si possa seguir' sanza 
tema d'alcuno disordine che potessi succedere per conto del 
danaro che ui sara da spendere, si habbi da deputar' un bancho 6 
altra persona sufficiente, il quale debba senza replica 6 dilatione 
pagare al detto cassiero di uolta in uolta quel denaro che per conto 
della detta impresa dal detto m. Pauolo sara ordinato [per suo 
mandato add. Morone] I 

Item che tra la detta Camera et il p. ° m. Pauolo ogni quattro 
mesi di debba saldar' il conto et rimborsata che si sara prima la 
detta Cam.^ col danaro del ritratto de libri che si uenderano, di 
tutta la spesa che si sara fatta nella detta impresa eccetto la detta 
prouisione di scudi 500 I'anno et la pigione della casa, di tutto il 
soprauanzo, la meta sia delle detta Camera et I'altra meta del p. ° 
m. Pauolo / 

Item promette la detta Camera che sn s.^^ confennera il pnte 
contratto per un' suo motuproprio con le clausule necessarie tra 
quindici giomi prosimi da uenire. 

gmus J) ^ mandauit ut fieret c^tractus 
lo.^ Car'^ Moronus 
Gu. As. Car. '^ Cam.^